13. When introduced to a new lifestyle

[VED]

[VED]

Contents

1. About the nairs who got degraded through their occupation

2. On the kalarippayattu expertise found among Nayars

3. The matter of great weapon skill and excessive bravery

4. Why the greatly courageous Nairs fled and hid

5. Like tall bamboo poles planted in the marshy region

6. Contradictory behaviours displayed by the Nairs

7. Barbaric tendencies displayed by local militia

8. Testimonies of excessive courage and remarkable virtue

9. Social reform as a major upheaval

10. The consequences of granting complete freedom to the lower castes

11. The words, thoughts, and opinions of the lower castes

12. The ratio of two different directional components at opposite angles

13. About the enigmatic personality trait of the Indicant Index Number

14. When those enslaved in feudal languages receive an English experience

15. Social structure designing links upward and downward

16. On the breaking and redirection in IVRS

17. High-low status fragments that keep individuals apart

18. What saved the Nayars from harsh enslavement

19. Nayars did not leap out of Islam when given the chance

20. When introduced to a new lifestyle

21. On information that was immediately turned into private property

22. The motivation to convert others to one's own religion

23. Contradictions in Hindu-Muslim communal conflicts

24. When new laws began to curb old powers

25. A glimpse into the origins of the Mappila Rebellion in South Malabar

26. Social Changes in British Malabar

27. One of the factors that fuelled deep resentment toward Islam in this peninsula

28. A state requiring veils and sieved paper before the eyes

29. On the term “Mappila”

30. Historical background of the Arakkal family

31. About other Mappilas and another connection of the word Mappila

32. The matter of Valluvanad

33. Different communities within Malabar’s Muhammadans

34. About Mappila slave traders

35. To introduce and establish family and family prestige

36. About the Ahmadiyya movement and other matters

37. About cow worship

38. ome miscellaneous matters among Malabari Muslims

39. About tying the mundu to the left

40. Words among Malabari Muslims

41. More words among Malabari Muslims

42. Paradise, Houris and More

43. Malabari Muslims in the democratic surge

44. The mindset that only by uniting can one survive here

45. When the lower communities entered the Muhammadan label in Malabar

46. To import English human personalities into British-Malabar

47. The waves of the Khilafat Movement in Malabar

48. On filmmakers rewriting history

49. Matters just before the day one was born

50. Half-dark and clear as daylight

[VED]

3. The third Nayar caste in Travancore is the Swarupam Nayars.

They are the servants of the Kshatriya families in Travancore. As they are positioned under the Namboodiris as servants of the Kshatriyas, they rank socially lower than the Illakkar Nayars.

In the feudal linguistic environment, even the work one does influences the language codes. This is a matter that requires particular attention. Without understanding this, the English today propagate the immature idea of social equality.

Among the Swarupam Nayars, there were those known regionally by different names. Kaippizha, Pattazhi, and Vembanad Swarupam Nayars fall into this group.

It should be remembered that below the Illakkar and Swarupam Nayars, there were numerous lower castes. Therefore, the language codes place the Swarupam Nayars above these lower castes.

It is written in Travancore State Manual Vol. 2 that Swarupam Nayars are equivalent to the Akattu-Chernna and Purattu-Chernna Nayars of English Malabar. One cannot overstate how intricate this information is.

QUOTE from TSM V2: The Swarupakkars correspond to the Akattu-Chernna and Purattu-Chernna Nayars of English Malabar. END OF QUOTE

As social details from English Malabar increasingly reached Travancore, each group in Travancore began identifying their counterparts in English Malabar during the period of English rule in Malabar.

For example, when the Ezhavas looked, they found their counterparts in the Thiyya caste of Malabar. It did not matter to them that there were two distinct Thiyya groups in Malabar. Their sentiment was likely, “Both are us.”

By establishing this connection, it became understood that among the Ezhavas, there were even ICS officers, the highest government officials in British-India. At the same time, in Travancore, they remained a slave caste.

4 & 5. Padamangalam and Tamil Padam Nayars

These are the fourth and fifth Nayar castes. It is written that they are not true Nayars and are migrants from Tamil regions to Travancore.

These claims are foolish because Travancore State Manual Vol. 1 states that Travancore is a region with Tamil heritage. Moreover, the social position of Nayars under the Namboodiris has existed since ancient times. Various castes likely entered this position, which is how the diverse Nayar subcategories were formed.

Those who provided information about Padamangalam and Tamil Padam Nayars, or those who documented them, may have had a slight mental distance from them.

It is claimed that these two groups of Tamil-heritage Nayars were distinctly different from other Nayars until some time ago. However, by the time Nagam Aiya’s book was published, this distinction may have faded.

The occupations of Padamangalam Nayars reportedly included sweeping temples, cleaning temples, and carrying lamps during spiritual processions.

It must be understood that Travancore is not like old England. Travancore has a language with strict landlord-slave relational codes. If the lower castes broke social boundaries and rose upward, Nayars performing such temple tasks would face significant social harm through linguistic codes.

Next, I will discuss the social relationships among these five Nayar groups in Travancore. Although they are all presented as Nayars above the lower castes, significant hierarchies exist among these five groups. However, clear boundaries for these distinctions may not exist.

This is because individuals and families within each group may rise or fall in different ways. Thus, even within a single group, one family may be kept distant while another from the same group may be brought closer.

It is said that one subgroup would not eat food cooked by another subgroup. Moreover, different subgroups would not sit in the same row to eat at public gatherings. Instead, different subgroups sat in different rows to eat.

Swarupam Nayars could eat food from Illakkar homes, but Illakkar women would not eat food from Swarupam homes.

However, it is generally stated that men from all subgroups would eat food from the homes of all subgroups, but women would not. This may be to maintain subtle yet strong mental boundaries created by feudal language codes.

For example, even if male police employees, from constables to non-IPS SPs, eat together at the same venue, the invisible hierarchies among them persist in that environment without any loss of strength.

However, if the wives and other women from their families sat together at the same venue, conversed, and ate, they might not maintain the same hierarchical positions as their husbands in the police department. This is because, in such a women’s gathering, positioning would be based on age, the status of their own occupations, and other such factors.

It should be remembered that the honorifics like “Chettan,” “Chechi,” “Sir,” and “Maadam” are indispensable codes that persist in all human interactions within feudal languages.

Returning to the Nayars of Travancore, in marital relationships, women would only marry men from higher subgroups or their own subgroup.

It is said that a woman marrying into a higher subgroup would not be allowed to freely enter the kitchen of her husband’s home.

In addition to the aforementioned high-ranking Nayars, there are also Idacherry (herdsmen), Maranmars, Chempotikal, Odathu Nayars, Kalamkottikal, Vattakkadans or Chekkalas (oil sellers), Pallichans (palanquin bearers), Asthikkurisshi Nayars, Chettikal (traders), Chaliyanmar (weavers), Veluthedanmar (washermen), and Vilakkithalavanmar (barbers), all of whom are Nayars. However, the higher Nayar subgroups consider them lower.

It is clearly stated in Travancore State Manual Vol. 2 that these groups were degraded due to their traditional occupations.

QUOTE: … their traditional occupations themselves being the cause of their degradation. END OF QUOTE

It must be understood that the English language cannot position a person or group as a distinct caste based on their occupation. The capabilities of feudal languages are profound indeed.

[VED]

I will now examine some ancient writings that grandly praise the Nayars.

Before quoting them, I wish to remind the reader of one thing. The term "Nayar" may be a title that various distinct castes claimed and later regarded as their hereditary right.

It can be understood that when foreigners from outside South Asia came to Malabar in ancient times, they encountered Nayars skilled in martial arts. It is also understood that young members of certain Nayar households began training in kalarippayattu from around the age of seven.

The martial art system, practised in North Malabar and South Malabar, involved weapons such as swords, daggers, sticks, whips, knives, and kathara, along with shields to block such weapons, protect body parts, and conceal them. It included combat techniques, bare-handed fighting, locking body parts, methods to escape such locks, various flips and jumps, and complex footwork.

This martial art is called kalarippayattu.

It does not seem that such a tradition existed in Travancore in the same way. In Travancore’s Tamil linguistic heritage, martial arts like adithada, adimurai, and silambam, linked to Tamil traditions, may have been prevalent.

As mentioned earlier, Nayars migrated to Travancore from Malabar in ancient times. It is not unlikely that some among them brought kalarippayattu to Travancore. One thought is that Southern kalarippayattu might be a diluted form of Malabar’s kalarippayattu, though I am unsure if this is correct.

It has been noted earlier that temple-dwellers known as Nampikals, Nampyars, and Nampishanmar ran gymnasiums and physical training centres in Travancore, teaching swordsmanship and similar activities. However, it is unclear whether this was directly linked to Malabar’s kalarippayattu tradition. It seems that such arts were not unique to South Asia but were also practised by certain communities in other primitive regions worldwide, taught exclusively to their members.

It is said in Keralolpathi that Parashuraman brought kalarippayattu from elsewhere. Keralolpathi, as previously indicated, may have been written with specific hidden motives based on hearsay. It can be assumed that Parashuraman taught kalarippayattu to Brahmins. If he did so, it seems likely it occurred in Malabar.

When individuals were appointed as Nayars under Brahmins to perform protective duties, it can be inferred that this training shifted to them.

It appears that certain high-ranking Nayar families in North Malabar and South Malabar preserved these combat skills and martial techniques through daily practice and training over centuries. The venue for this was known as the kalarippayattu arena.

The kalarippayattu of Malabar, referred to as "kalarikkurikkal," likely involved a group of trainees demonstrating loyalty under a master teacher. This was a movement of individuals bound at opposite ends of the 180° spectrum of feudal language codes, such as "Oru" (highest he) and "Inhi" (lowest you).

However, all involved were likely from high-ranking Nayar families, meaning both the master and disciples were Nayars.

It is heard that the kalarippayattu arena was a long, pit-like space dug into the ground. I am unsure if this was the typical design of a kalarippayattu arena. Personally, I have imagined kalarippayattu arenas as long, ground-level structures covered with palm leaves.

Although it can be claimed that Nayars hereditarily preserved kalarippayattu, it is understood that some high-ranking families among the matrilineal Thiyyas in North Kerala also practised this art form. I believe there were families in my own familial connections that ran kalarippayattu arenas in ancient times. Close interactions with Nayars likely led some matrilineal Thiyya families to kalarippayattu expertise.

It is unknown whether the patrilineal Thiyyas of South Malabar had this training knowledge.

At the same time, a tradition of this practice is seen among Mappilas in both North and South Malabar. I lack further details on this.

One aspect related to Malabar’s kalarippayattu is padakali worship. It is unclear whether the Kali worship tradition is linked to Brahmin spirituality. I do not intend to delve deeper into this topic now.

In Travancore and Tamil Nadu, martial arts training likely began with devotion to a divine figure, as it seems people undertake such activities by pledging loyalty to a war deity. I have no further details on this.

It is unknown whether padakali worship was part of the kalarippayattu arenas run by matrilineal Thiyyas. The question arises whether Nayars were willing to share their deities along with kalarippayattu expertise.

It is unlikely that padakali worship was part of Mappila kalarippayattu training. I have no information on this either. However, a Muslim individual told me that before kalarippayattu training or performance, the practitioner touches the ground with their index finger as a sign of respect. I know no further details.

Although it is unclear how the seeds of kalarippayattu reached the Mappilas, it is said that the Kunjali Marakkar family, residing in Kottakkal near Badagara in North Malabar, had close ties and dealings with the Calicut royal family, which likely brought them into contact with kalarippayattu. However, it is worth noting that Kadathanad, near Badagara, is considered the birthplace of kalarippayattu. It does not seem necessary for the Kunjali family to have gone to Calicut in South Malabar to acquire kalarippayattu; their ties with the Kadathanad royal family and other local Nayar families would have sufficed.

It can be inferred from the Malabar Manual that some Mappilas in North Malabar had some form of physical training. It is recorded that certain Mappila boatmen who rowed trading boats were trained in “sword and target.”

QUOTE from Malabar Manual: These boats were found not to be of sufficient strength for the purpose, as they were unable to cope with the Mappila boats rowed by eight or ten men with four or six more to assist, all of whom (even the boatmen) practised with the “sword and target” at least. END OF QUOTE.

Although it is unclear what “sword and target” refers to, it may be linked to kalarippayattu.

Foreign traders and travellers may have been astonished by the skills of Nayars trained in kalarippayattu. This is evident in multiple writings by ancient foreigners.

For example, the Malabar Manual quotes lines about Nayars from Johnston’s Relations of the most famous Kingdom in the world (1611 Edition).

QUOTE:
At seven years of age they are put to school to learn the use of their weapons, where, to make them nimble and active, their Sinnewes and Joints are stretched by skilful fellows, and annointed with the Oyle Sesamus:
By this annointing they become so light and nimble that they will winde and turn their bodies as if they had no bones, casting them forward, backward, high and low, even to the astonishment of the beholders.
Their continual delight is in their weapon, persuading themselves that no nation goeth beyond them in skill and dexterity END OF QUOTE.

It must be understood that the person who wrote the above passage directly witnessed a kalarippayattu performance. Watching a high-quality kalarippayattu performance today could still reveal astonishing physical feats. However, much needs to be said about this, which I cannot cover in this writing.

Regarding the above quote, a few points can be made.

First, the concept of a Nayar “school.” Physical training was likely what was understood as “school” back then. There is no significant error in this, as it is far better than today’s system of confining children in classrooms and cramming their heads with useless information.

However, the question arises whether a purely physical curriculum would suffice. I won’t delve into that now.

Another point that struck me was the final sentence of the quote: the belief that no one in the world is better than them.

Other writings support this attitude. More details may follow in the next writing.

See also

[VED]

In the previous writing, the reader might recall a sentence from Johnston’s Relations of the most famous Kingdom in the world (1611 Edition), quoted in the Malabar Manual.

QUOTE:
Their continual delight is in their weapon, ...
END OF QUOTE.

Reading this sentence might create a great impression on many. However, upon reflection, one can understand the reality of the frenzied life journey of these adolescents and young men.

This writer recalls, about forty years ago, attending a martial arts training session. The people who came for training were of various kinds. However, I did not meet anyone else there with a deep habit of reading English as a background. Yet, the atmosphere that was common to all and made everyone seem alike was the martial arts training environment.

The conversations mostly revolved around training-related bets, championships, brawls, street fights, and the like. Whatever was said, individuals would express it by lifting and lowering their hands, legs, and bodies, twisting and turning, and even performing in a theatrical manner with various gestures. They would display great joy, immense daring, profound worldly knowledge, and personal connections, conveying these to others through words or otherwise.

However, if one tries to evaluate these individuals, their social, familial, professional, and other aspects based on such behaviour, it could lead to the kind of folly seen in defining Nairs by relying on Johnston’s Relations of the most famous Kingdom in the world, resulting in shallow essay writing.

Another similar experience this writer had about thirty years ago in another state comes to mind. While briefly associating with some people involved in a film production setting, I had the chance to observe and experience something noteworthy.

Among this group was a person who was the brother of a superstar and an up-and-coming actor. Whenever this person spoke, he would act out the matter through physical gestures, almost spontaneously. On some occasions, the film dialogues he was memorising for camera performances would come out of his mouth in an acted tone.

In an ordinary social setting, such behaviour might evoke great amusement or raise questions about possible mental instability in the minds of onlookers.

To claim that all Nair families lived in such a mental atmosphere would be utter foolishness.

The reason is that even the highest among the Nairs were required to work in Namboodiri households. Yet, while working for Namboodiris and, moreover, controlling and suppressing various lower castes for the sake of the society they lived in, and even enslaving some from the lower castes, over time, some Nair families themselves became immensely wealthy, owned land, held significant social power, and developed physical and authoritative capabilities surpassing those of many Namboodiri families.

This is indeed a significant matter. It would be a nightmare for feudal language regions to have government peons with more wealth and social power than IAS officers, police constables with more wealth and social power than IPS officers, or soldiers with more wealth and social power than commissioned officers in the military. This topic may be elaborated on further later.

An incident related to the Nairs needs to be mentioned. I hope to cover it in the next few writings.

The Portuguese writer Duarte Barbosa, between approximately AD 1500 and 1516, recorded something about the Nairs in The Coasts of East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society), p. 124:

QUOTE:

When they go anywhere they shout to the peasants, that they may get out of the way where they have to pass; and the peasants do so, and if they did not do it, the Nayrs might kill them without penalty.

END

This matter needs further clarification. The “farmers” Barbosa refers to may not actually be farmers. Instead, they could be enslaved Pulayas or other lower castes, treated like cattle, toiling daily under the scorching sun in the fields of landowners. The mention of “killing” them likely does not refer to a formal trial and execution but rather to cutting them down on the spot.

It seems that Nair men carried a sword when they went out, much like people carry mobile phones today. It doesn’t seem they carried the sword sheathed at the waist with a belt; rather, they likely held it in hand.

The Travancore State Manual Vol. 2 states:

QUOTE:

They invariably carried arms with them which consisted of swords, shields, bows, arrows, hand-grenades, &c.

END OF QUOTE

This matter should be understood with limitations. It is likely that only some Nairs carried such heavy and cumbersome loads daily. However, it can be inferred that some Nairs had the authority to carry such items.

Nevertheless, Nairs can only be compared to today’s police constables, not to IAS or IPS officers.

Nairs (Shudras) were not permitted to wear gold or silver ornaments. With the advent of English rule in Malabar, this restriction likely faded unnoticed. However, in Travancore, it was likely due to Col. Munro’s influence that this restriction was lifted in 1817.

From Travancore State Manual Vol. 1:

QUOTE:
The restriction put on the Sudras and others regarding the wearing of gold and silver ornaments was removed.
END

The true social status of Nairs can be discerned from this information. However, from the perspective of those below them, this might seem an unnecessary detail, much like how Indian auto drivers might view the status of police constables with sheer defiance.

Another point Barbosa noted is noteworthy:

QUOTE:
They have a belief among them that the woman who dies a virgin does not go to paradise.
END

Such a belief likely greatly facilitated the blending of Namboodiri blood into their family lineage through their women.

In the social context of that time, successfully pleasing Namboodiris through the women of the family might have been akin to passing Public Service Commission exams today to secure officer positions in government systems.

A change came when English rule took root in Malabar, and government officers began to be selected through competitive exams from those proficient in the English language.

During English rule, it is often claimed today, without hesitation, by many scholars on online platforms that the English indulged in using local women sexually and even enslaved them for this purpose. The reality was quite different.

It is stated in texts like the Malabar Manual, Travancore State Manual Vol. 2, and Malabar and Anjengo that Nairs were great warriors and highly courageous.

This may be somewhat true for some of them. Some Nairs likely achieved great proficiency in martial arts, and there may have been those among them who were unafraid to die displaying such skills.

However, gaining social prestige solely through the ability to hack and chase people is akin to today’s police system.

When English language education began to be provided in Malabar without caste discrimination, such physical prowess lost its value, as need not be specifically stated. Meanwhile, in Travancore, the London Missionary Society and others planned to topple, overturn, and uproot Nairs in a different way.

They provided immense knowledge to many from the lower castes, instilling great self-confidence and self-respect in them.

Native Life in Travancore notes:
QUOTE:
“To-day, when passing by your schoolroom, I heard the children sing their sweet and instructive lyrics with great delight. We Sudras, regarded as of high caste, are now becoming comparatively lower; while you, who were once so low, are being exalted through Christianity.
I fear,” he added, “Sudra children in the rural districts will soon be fit for nothing better than feeding cattle.”
END

If this continues, Shudra (Nair) children in rural areas will soon be fit only for tending cattle. END

However, it must be noted that in Travancore, the Christian missionary movement did not use the English language to uplift the lower castes, which remained a significant shortcoming.

At the same time, they likely relied on the address of the English administration in Madras for protection in Travancore.

[VED]

The French ethnographer Elie Reclus wrote a book titled Primitive Folk: Studies in Comparative Ethnology in the 1800s. A cursory glance through this book reveals several observations about the Nairs. It does not seem to be written based on direct knowledge. Rather, it feels as though it relies on accounts from other observers during the English colonial period. This is not certain.

The book appears to contain much about the Nairs based on superficial hearsay, yet it gives the impression that these are firsthand observations.

Some sentences from the book are as follows:

QUOTE:
All knew at least how to read and write, but the chief part of their education was carried on in the gymnasium and the fencing school, where they learnt to despise fatigue, to be careless of wounds and to show an indomitable courage, often bordering upon foolish temerity.
They went into battle almost naked, ...
Their extraordinary agility made them the terror of every combat in forest or jungle. On the smallest provocation they devoted themselves to death, and having done so, one would hold his ground against a hundred.
END

They went to battle almost entirely naked...

Their astonishing agility made them a terror in any forest or jungle combat. With the slightest provocation, they would commit to fighting to the death, and once engaged, one of them could stand against a hundred. END

It cannot be said that such seemingly exaggerated stories lack any truth. However, people from England, and indeed from continental Europe, who came to this semi-primitive region were likely astonished by many things. Yet, it is not certain they fully understood what they saw.

The lines quoted above from Primitive Folk are also cited in Travancore State Manual Vol. 2. This suggests that praises of the Nairs were collected from various sources.

Regarding the Nair warriors, Sir Hector Munro, a British military leader, made a remark recorded in the Malabar Manual:

QUOTE:
They were, in short, brave light troops, excelling in skirmishing, but their organisation into small bodies with discordant interests unfitted them to repel any serious invasion by an enemy even moderately well organised.

This is a profoundly insightful observation. However, it is unclear whether Sir Hector Munro understood the feudal language-based social structure that created this situation or the complex psychological effects it had on individuals.

This topic will need to be explored in greater depth later.

While military parades, camaraderie among soldiers, hierarchical officer ranks, and insignia were part of the English administration’s arsenal—qualities not taught in kalaris or most martial arts venues—it is understood that similar elements existed in the military systems of continental Europeans like the French, Dutch, Portuguese, Italians, and others.

Yet, in any confrontation, it was the English forces, with local warriors in their ranks, that ultimately emerged victorious.

It must be understood that even the English were unaware of the invisible software system working tirelessly behind the scenes to enable this consistent success.

This topic can be examined in greater depth later.

To emphasize the Nairs’ sense of superiority, Primitive Folk states:

QUOTE:
They felt themselves under the necessity of slaying, or perishing in the attempt to slay, every individual of inferior caste who took the liberty of touching or even breathing upon them.
END

However, it seems no one fully understood why such intense personal hostility arose in the Nairs.

Today, if an ordinary person in Kerala addresses a government official as Ningal (polite level, stature neutral You), a similar kind of personal hostility may arise in the official. However, it must be added that this mental disturbance is not exclusive to officials.

While Nair warriors in every village learned various martial arts and lived with loyalty and obedience to their teachers and masters, it is true that they eagerly sought to clash with Nair groups from neighbouring regions. It is also true that each small kingdom provided numerous opportunities for such conflicts.

The Travancore State Manual attests that every local ruler and royal family lived in constant insecurity. At any moment, they could be attacked by outsiders or even by their own people. The fundamental and practical political principle of the time was that the strongest ruled.

At the same time, the lower castes were not taken seriously. It is true that Nairs could cut them down. However, approaching the lower castes was itself an unpleasant task for the Nairs.

When the French in Mahé and the English administration in Malabar established police systems, Nairs and Marumakkathayam Thiyyas (north Malabar Thiyyas) likely joined as ordinary policemen. Taking a lower-caste person into custody for lawlessness might have felt like a terrifying task for the Nairs.

Some indications of this are found in Primitive Folk:

QUOTE:
Down to the present day, when the police give them plebeian prisoners to guard, it is amusing to see how afraid they are to go near them, thinking of nothing but how to keep their distance. One might almost think they feared their captives. They have been known to refuse battle to unworthy foes.
END

There have been instances where they refused to fight unworthy opponents. END

The feudal language codes fostered and nurtured this sense of repulsion and superiority in the Nairs. The reality is that even today, the English have little understanding of this.

During the invasions of Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan, in various parts of Malabar, when lower castes like Cherumars, Pulayas, and possibly Marumakkathayam Thiyyas attacked Hindus (Brahmins), their associated temple servants, Nairs, and their families in homes and streets, it is astonishing that the Nairs could neither fight back nor protect their revered Hindus, their families, or the women in their households.

Primitive Folk describes the Nairs as follows:

QUOTE:
They are the handsomest, most shapely, best proportioned men I ever saw. They are of a dusky olive colour, and all tall and lusty; moreover, they are the best soldiers in the world, bold and courageous, extremely skilful in the use of arms, with limbs so agile and supple that they can throw themselves into every imaginable posture, and thus avoid or cunningly parry every possible stroke, whilst at the same time they spring upon the foe.
END

Despite such descriptions, when Cherumars, Pulayas, and possibly Marumakkathayam Thiyyas attacked the homes and women of Hindus, their loyal temple servants, and Nairs, it seems no one has considered why the Nairs lost all their martial prowess.

It was previously mentioned that Karna, the mere son of a charioteer, challenged Prince Arjuna to a contest of archery skill.

Imagine, for a moment, that the ordinary people of modern England are the haughty Nairs. In such a scenario, when cricket teams from India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and elsewhere arrive in England to play against them, the English Nairs would abandon their homes and lands and flee—this is what history teaches us.

When the lower castes ran amok, what weakened the Nairs was:

Their repulsion toward the lower castes.

The lack of pride in boasting about defeating them.

As Sir Hector Munro noted, while Nairs individually possessed great weapon skills, agility, and acrobatics, they lacked the organised leadership and collective mindset to strategise and counterattack as a group.

This caused the Nairs to face numerous defeats, which can be detailed in the next writing. Additionally, there is another subtle factor to be addressed in the next piece.

While Nairs had the skill, weaponry, and social authority to cut down a lone Pulaya, the lower castes, casting aside their subservience and charging in groups, likely evoked the image of polluted water rushing toward them.

Another overlooked matter is why the lower castes could not organise to drive out those who treated them like cattle.

One characteristic of feudal languages is that they motivate individuals to place others in hierarchies, trample those below, and pull down those above. This insight could lead to many other complex details.

[VED]

Let us once again examine how the Nairs were described among primitive folk.

They are the handsomest, most shapely, best proportioned men I ever saw. They are of a dusky olive colour, and all tall and lusty; moreover, they are the best soldiers in the world, ...

Elie Reclus describes the Nairs as exceedingly handsome, tall in stature, and robust, as well as the fiercest warriors in the world.

This description may be 100% accurate for a small section of the Nairs. However, I can’t help but wonder if there’s a significant flaw in Elie Reclus writing an anthropological work based solely on this small group.

Although he was a Frenchman, it is understood that he migrated to England and settled there. Once in England, everything seems much simpler and more trivial to comprehend.

It’s akin to a Tamilian who goes to America today and becomes the CEO of a major company. In their homeland, they might not even dare mention a mere police constable by name, but upon reaching America, they might start to feel even the American President is insignificant.

I have no specific information about Elie Reclus. However, it seems that much of what he wrote in his book was based on observing only a tiny fraction of social realities.

For example, this is how the book introduces the Tiyas:

Tirs - Tayers, Tayars, or Chogans, Chagoouans, Chanars, servants, or demon-worshippers.

This is a description steeped in utter foolishness and entirely lacking depth.

Nevertheless, if one wishes, historical records could likely be found to prove this description accurate. The fluctuating depth and profundity of historical documents amassed by scholars can indeed be problematic.

Now, let us return to the Nairs.

Readers should note that there are many different groups among the Nairs. It is unclear which of these groups were associated with martial arts, and which regularly participated in attacks and counterattacks. However, it can be understood that a small percentage of young men from these groups likely ventured into martial arts from a very young age.

It’s worth noting that there would have been no intellectual pursuits, occupations, side jobs, or recreational activities available to them at the time. Their reading and writing skills would have been minimal. It’s also uncertain what books would have been available for them to read. Games like chess might have been known, but chess, too, is a form of combat-related recreation.

It’s like observing bulls. Imagine a Frenchman arriving in Malabar and seeing only the stud bulls.

Picture a stud bull standing tall, with robust physique, glistening muscles, great height, fine complexion, sprouting horns, and, to top it all, a vibrantly coloured weapon for sexual prowess, standing completely naked. Some cows rush towards it, while others flee and hide. If, after observing this bull, one concludes that all bulls in Malabar are like this and writes a treatise on bovine anthropology, consider the absurdity of such a narrative.

The other bulls in Malabar, with their nasal septums pierced and ropes tied through them, castrated, and toiling under the scorching sun in paddy fields until late in the day, live lives of sacrifice. A scholar fixated on stud bulls might not notice this reality.

Here, we are writing about a group of individuals who address the lower classes with terms like “Inhi,” “Eda,” “Edi,” “Avan,” “Aval,” or “Ayyaal,” possessing a mindset suited only for cutting them down if needed. These individuals have great weapon proficiency, physical agility, extensive training, and a sense of social and personal dominance.

Could such individuals unite as a group under a hierarchical leadership structure? It’s not unlikely that each person, defined as a “leader” in feudal terms, might nurture such an attitude.

It’s like the Indian army conducting parades on stages expected to draw global attention. For such parades, soldiers with highly polished and visually striking physical personas are specially groomed. Seeing them march with the precision of machinery in front of millions, it would be foolish to evaluate the entire Indian army based on them.

The reason is that those groomed for parades are not the ones who must crawl and slink through battlefields under their officers’ command, displaying great subservience.

In a feudal linguistic environment, the most effective superior-subordinate relationship is one where the superior is at a great height, and the subordinate is as subservient as possible.

This phenomenon can be observed among private doctors, lawyers, and others. A doctor might find it problematic to keep a subordinate who displays a personality so elevated that it could rival their own charisma.

In the Indian army, too, the most suitable soldiers for officers on battlefields may be those with the most submissive mindsets. Delving deeper into this topic is not possible now, as it is a profoundly complex issue. I hope to explore it later.

However, one more point can be made. This dynamic may pose a significant disadvantage for the Pakistani army, but delving into that now is also not feasible.

In general, it can be noted that only in pristine-English societies does a subordinate’s strong personality serve as a great asset in the superior-subordinate relationship.

During the English administration, government officers, doctors, and others exhibited a remarkable gentleness in their personalities.

The primary reason for this was the profound and radiant light of English literary tradition that had permeated them. Despite receiving meagre salaries and benefits, these individuals were capable of achieving great intellectual heights.

(Moreover, they worked under the English, who stood at great intellectual heights. It’s worth noting that the English language lacks the verbal codes in words like “You,” “He,” or “She” that degrade or suppress others.)

However, today, government officers, including police officers, academic scholars, military officers, and others, are elevated with sky-high salaries, benefits, and lofty titles. Without such elevation, most would display mere barren personalities and intellects. This, too, can be explored later.

Now, let us return to the matter of the Nairs.

Great financial security, astonishing physical agility, a mindset that views lower classes as mere cattle, and weapon proficiency elevate the personalities of martially skilled Nairs to the heavens.

Such personalities cannot be found among English soldiers, as even the most distinguished among them can only rise to the level of an ordinary Englishman.

Like tall bamboo poles planted in the marshy region, these Nair warriors stand.

If they were grouped with ordinary Nairs and sent to the battlefield, it’s possible to predict their level of success in advance.

However, it is also observed that Nairs with social authority, physical strength, and weapon proficiency developed significant domineering attitudes.

For example, in the Malabar Manual:

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…and the kuttam or assembly of the nad or county was a representative body of immense power which, when necessity existed, set at naught the authority of the Raja and punished his ministers when they did ‘unwarrantable acts.’

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These Nayars, being heads of the Calicut people, resemble the parliament, and do not obey the king’s dictates in all things, but chastise his ministers when they do unwarrantable acts.

In Travancore, the Travancore State Manual mentions a group called the “Arannoor”:

From the earliest times therefore down to the end of the eighteenth century the Nayar tara and nad organisation kept the country from oppression and tyranny on the part of the rulers, ...

Such Nair family assemblies likely limited the authority of the Namboodiris.

A similar development seems to have occurred in the Kerala Police Department. It appears that around the 1980s, the government permitted police personnel to form their own organisation.

Just as the Nair Arannoor family organisation was facilitated, possibly by the royal family to limit the Namboodiris’ authority, the Kerala Police organisation was permitted by a revolutionary political party, likely to curb the power of IPS officers.

This may have hindered maintaining strict discipline among lower-ranking police personnel. The only option left for IPS officers might be to dance along with the antics of their subordinates, gradually altering the dynamics.

As the Nairs gained organised strength, the control of Namboodiris, the king, and the royal family diminished.

A similar situation likely unfolds in the police department.

When the police department personnel were granted the facility to organise, I recall a young commissioned officer from the Indian army who visited my college at the time. He said:

You shouldn’t let these people (lowest him) organise. Once they do, they won’t listen to anything you say.

Imagine the scenario if Indian army soldiers were allowed to organise.

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The extraordinary courage and personal charisma inherent among the Nairs have already been discussed. What I am about to write may not be pleasing to some Nairs. However, it must be specifically noted that all communities mentioned in this writing have been addressed in the same manner—without bias or favour.

The loyalty to their sustenance, sense of duty, courage, and commitment traditionally upheld by the Nairs are exemplified by an account cited in the Malabar Manual from the historian Sheikh Zin-ud-din:

A quantity of cooked rice was spread before the king, and some three or four hundred persons came of their own accord and received each a small quantity of rice from the king’s own hands after he himself had eaten some. By eating of this rice they all engage to burn themselves on the day the king dies, or is slain, and they punctually fulfil their promise.

Such a pledge may not solely be an example of courage. It could also reflect the plight of individuals ensnared by societal linguistic codes. The reason historians have not recognised this is simply that the immense power of linguistic codes has not been subjected to serious study.

The tragic fate of the Japanese air force’s Kamikaze suicide squad pilots during the Second World War may have been shaped by the horrific codes embedded in the Japanese language, capable of trapping and binding both humans and animals. These pilots, some as young as teenagers, flew bomb-laden planes with no possibility of returning alive, crashing with precise intent into British and American warships.

Many individuals in Nair families may have been caught in such societal traps. Family members might have had significant interests in directing their kin towards death, as the aura of heroic sacrifice allowed the family to shine in society.

This is similar to how every incident glorifying police bravery today creates immense admiration among the lower classes, justifying their presence. Additionally, reducing the number of family members could conveniently limit those with claims to family property.

Young Nairs likely had few other pastimes or amusements. In each small region, engaging in duels, slashing, and killing each other was probably the common strategy among Nair youths to maintain a revered status in the hearts of the lower classes.

While toiling in paddy fields, the lower classes would sing songs that included the names of those who died in such conflicts.

However, it seems unlikely that prominent individuals from elite Nair families were eager to sacrifice their lives in this manner. Typically, they did not have to participate in daily warfare. Instead, they could send lower-ranking family members to fight.

But when the battlefield encroached upon their own lands, turning their fields into war zones, these Nairs had no choice but to enter the fray. What did they do then?

As Germany, with its formidable weaponry and military might, conquered much of continental Europe and prepared to invade England—a mere 20 kilometres across the sea—it seemed an easy task to transport their army across. England had only a nominal military presence, and any resistance could be crushed by German warplanes.

Yet, England’s centuries-old civil defence system rose again. Young men, middle-aged individuals, and even the elderly took to the streets. “Come on Harry, Come on Jack, Come on Baker, Come on Mr. Fraser,” they rallied, uniting, conducting makeshift military drills, setting up camps on high coastal cliffs, and monitoring the sea and sky 24 hours a day through binoculars. They relayed precise details of German military movements to English army centres.

Such social cohesion is a rare quality, found in the unadulterated English society.

The Nairs of Malabar, Travancore, and Cochin could not behave in this manner, as their societal language was a rigid feudal one.

Now, we must examine specific incidents. One could start with the arrival of the Portuguese in Calicut, but that would lead us deep into the annals of history, and there’s still a long way to go before writing history.

Thus, I will highlight a few incidents to illustrate instances where the Nairs’ personal courage faltered.

The reason for documenting such incidents is the excessive glorification of the Nairs’ traditional grandeur found in many writings. In reality, the Nairs were merely victims of the local feudal language. They, too, could not act beyond the dictates and designs of its codes.

Let us first look at Travancore, noting that Tamil Nairs were also present there.

From the Travancore State Manual:

Yet the Princes were not satisfied on the day. When Rodriguez with twenty-seven of his people laid the foundation stone, about two thousand Nayars collected there and tried to oppose them. But Rodriguez not minding raised one wall and apprehending a fight the next day mounted two of his big guns. The sight of these guns frightened the Nayars and they retreated.

Now, from the Malabar Manual:

But the Portuguese artillery again proved completely effective, and the enemy was driven back with heavy loss notwithstanding that the Cochin Nayers (five hundred men) had fled at the first alarm.

…it was with the utmost difficulty repulsed, the Cochin Nayars having again proved faithless.

The fort was accordingly abandoned and it is said that the last man to leave it set fire to a train of gunpowder which killed many of the Nayars and Moors, who in hopes of plunder flocked into the fort directly it was abandoned

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From the Travancore State Manual:

Meanwhile the subsidiary force at Quilon was engaged in several actions with the Nayar troops. But as soon as they heard of the fall of the Aramboly lines, the Nayars losing all hopes of success dispersed in various directions.

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It should not be assumed that the Nairs remained uniform in character across centuries.

On one hand, there were concerns about new groups entering Nair ranks in various small kingdoms. On another, different levels of Namboodiri families viewed them as subordinates. Additionally, beneath the Nairs were various strata of lower classes, many of whom may not have accepted their subservient status.

Some members of each Nair subgroup likely led ordinary lives, engaging in regular occupations without involvement in armed conflicts. Meanwhile, some young Nairs perished in duels or skirmishes, or lived with permanent injuries, such as lost limbs.

The Malabar Manual notes:

…or the Nayar militia were very fickle, and flocked to the standard of the man who was fittest to command and who treated them the most considerately.

This description applies not only to the Nairs but to all feudal-language communities.

However, the Malabar Manual also highlights that the Nairs embodied various barbaric tendencies prevalent in the semi-primitive region. Many of those they clashed with in daily life were likely rough characters. Yet, there is no doubt that any group—however gentle or less skilled in arms—who fell into their hands would be socially crushed by the Nairs.

Despite claims of great military prowess, it can be said that the Nairs lacked even a trace of the English sensibilities associated with such ideals. They harboured intense enmity and hostility toward defeated enemies and did not honour surrender agreements.

Consider this incident:

A large body (300) of the enemy, after giving up their arms and while proceeding to Cannanore, were barbarously massacred by the Nayars.

A continuation of this incident:

Captain Lane reported, ‘cruelly—shamefully—and in violation of all laws divine and humane, most barbarously butchered’ by the Nayars, notwithstanding the exertions of the English officers to save them.

A similar incident occurred toward the end of the Second World War, which will be discussed in the next section.

In an agreement made on 8 January 1784 between the English and the Bibi of the Ali Raja family (Arakkal family) in Cannanore Town, one of the Bibi’s key demands was protection from the Nairs.

This was not unique to the Nairs. Across this subcontinent, under English rule, it was common for surrendered groups to be slaughtered like stray dogs. Notably, Tipu Sultan’s forces treated their enemies—regardless of their community—with similar harshness.

From an English perspective, the evident inferiority of the Nair soldiers is mentioned in Chapter 80 of Part 3 of this text.

When Hyder Ali and later Sultan Tipu targeted Malabar and Travancore with a series of attacks, while some Nairs displayed great personal courage, collectively they exhibited defeat, flight, confusion, and disarray.

Consider the following excerpts:

“Fullarton applied for and received four battalions of Travancore sepoys, which he despatched to the place to help the Zamorin to hold it till further assistance could arrive, but before the succour arrived, the Zamorin’s force despairing of support had abandoned the place and retired into the mountains. Tippu’s forces, thereupon, speedily reoccupied all the south of Malabar as far as the Kota river.”

“Nayres were busied in attempting to oppose the infantry, who pretended to be on the point of passing over. They were frightened at the sudden appearance of the cavalry and fled with the utmost precipitation and disorder without making any other defence but that of discharging a few cannon which they were too much intimidated to point properly.”

“The whole army in consequence moved to attack the retrenchment; but the enemy perceiving that Hyder’s troops had stormed their outpost, and catching the affright of the fugitives, fled from their camp with disorder and precipitation.”

“The Travancore commander had arranged that the Raja’s force should reassemble upon the Vypeen Island, but the extreme consternation caused by the loss of their vaunted lines had upset this arrangement, and the whole of the force had dispersed for refuge into the jungles or had retreated to the south.”

“On this application Hyder Ali sent a force under his brother-in-law, Muckh doom Sahib, who drove back the Zamorin’s Nayars.”

The same group that astonished foreign travellers with their remarkable agility and weapon proficiency also displayed moments of trembling fear, as cited above.

However, it does not seem that many Nair warriors lacked personal courage entirely. For example:

“The Nayars, in their despair, defended such small posts as they possessed most bravely.”

“The Nayars defended themselves until they were tired of the confinement, and then leaping over the abbatis and cutting through the three lines with astonishing rapidity, they gained the woods before the enemy had recovered from their surprise.” (Wilks’ History, I, 201.)

Yet, such personal courage did not translate into collective strength or power for the Nairs. When enemies from Mysore, with more sophisticated social communication networks, arrived, the Nairs’ small acts of bravery could not function cohesively.

Another intriguing incident occurred during a clash with the Portuguese:

“But a partial crossing was effected at another point, and a curious incident, possible only in Indian warfare, occurred, for a band of Cherumar, who were there busy working in the fields, plucked up courage, seized their spades and attacked the men who had crossed. These being, more afraid of being polluted by the too near approach of the low-caste men than by death at the hands of Pacheco’s men, fled precipitately. Pacheco expressed strong admiration of the Cherumars’ courage and wished to have them raised to the rank of Nayars. He was much astonished when told that this could not be done.”

End

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Quote: “A similar incident occurred towards the end of the Second World War, which will be discussed in the next section.” End of Quote.

This was mentioned in the previous section. I intend to elaborate on it here before moving forward.

During the Second World War, the German government provided substantial funds to Subhas Chandra Bose’s movement to persuade captured British-Indian soldiers to switch allegiance and join their cause. Many British-Indian soldiers captured by Japanese forces did defect, primarily because being held in Japanese prisoner-of-war camps was akin to falling into the hands of wild beasts.

Subhas Chandra Bose and his associates formed the Indian National Army (INA), into which the Japanese incorporated these defectors. Historical records from that period suggest the INA had around 2,000 members, though modern estimates claim numbers in the tens of thousands.



Many Indian prisoners of war refused to defect. According to Japanese war archives, some were brutally killed by Japanese soldiers using bayonets. Refer to the image provided above.

Among British-Indian soldiers, intense resentment grew towards those who defected and fought against the English alliance. Towards the war’s end, when the English forces captured Singapore from the Japanese, these defectors were among those who surrendered. The English army took them as prisoners and assigned British-Indian soldiers to guard them.

However, in the absence of English officers, British-Indian soldiers attacked these defectors, slashing and bayoneting them, and attempting to kill them. They hurled insults like “Eda, blackleg,” during the assault. English troops had to intervene to protect these prisoners from the British-Indian soldiers.

Explaining in English the phenomenon where feudal languages inherently define a surrendered individual in degrading terms, leading to a 180-degree shift in human behaviour and attitudes, is indeed challenging.

Now, let us return to the Nairs.

In the Malabar Manual, there seems to be an inclination to heap praise on the Nairs at every opportunity. For instance, consider these lines:

“And probably the frantic fanatical rush of the Mappillas on British bayonets, which is not even yet a thing of the past, is the latest development of this ancient custom of the Nayars.”

This is merely an example of attempting to paint the Nairs’ legacy with grand courage through sheer nonsense and folly. The Mappillas mentioned here were lower-class individuals who converted to Islam, not Nairs who changed their religion, which is highly unlikely.

Between 1836 and 1853, the Malabar Manual records around 27 incidents in South Malabar where Mappillas attacked Hindus, their subservient Nairs, temple functionaries, and even, on one occasion, their enslaved individuals. Additionally, there is an account from North Malabar, in Kottayam Taluk’s Mattannur, where Mappillas stormed the home of a prominent landlord and massacred around 18 family members.

None of these incidents were driven by opposition to English rule. However, since the English Company governed and felt responsible for preventing anarchy, each incident led to police action and punitive measures by the English administration.

Further details related to these incidents will be addressed when discussing the Mappillas later.

It is evident that local elite families had an interest in misrepresenting English rule to the Mappillas. This is hinted at in the quoted passage above. The term “British bayonets” is unlikely to be William Logan’s own phrasing.

It was a common practice among the subcontinent’s elite communities to deliberately misrepresent English rule to various groups, fostering enmity to pit them against the English and exploit both sides for their own gain. This practice continues today.

On this note, I feel compelled to add another observation.

While the Malabar Manual repeatedly extols the Nairs as immensely courageous, actual accounts consistently show their courage faltering. However, there is a passage, clearly in William Logan’s words, that praises a group for displaying remarkable courage. This group, from South Malabar, was the lower-class Mappillas. Their excessive courage was attributed at the time to extreme religious faith and associated fanaticism.

However, the reality was likely more complex, a topic I won’t delve into now.

Another section of the Malabar Manual highly praises a different Muslim group (not Mappillas), bestowing upon them a certificate of virtue unmatched by any other community in this subcontinent, including Muslims. That discussion, too, cannot be addressed here.

End

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The English administration in Malabar gradually took hold, impacting various Nair sub-groups to varying degrees, both minor and significant.

The introduction of written laws, a police force, and, moreover, the perception of all citizens as equals with the same rights and legal protections likely felt like a major upheaval for the Nairs.

Consider the situation where modern commercial vehicle workers are treated as equals to police constables within police stations, in terms of verbal codes and dignity, under the administrative system. The social reforms of the English administration were likely perceived by the Nairs and others, through their foresight, as a similar social upheaval.

Traditionally, Nair families and their actions were fully protected by the Namboodiri and local ruling families in each region. If a Nair assaulted, attacked, or harassed lower-caste individuals, there was no societal notion that such acts constituted lawlessness or warranted punishment.

The situation was akin to the Armed Forces (Jammu and Kashmir) Special Powers Act, 1990, in present-day Kashmir, where army officers have legal immunity for their actions. There can be no prosecution, suit, or any other legal proceeding against anyone acting under that law. Nor is the government’s judgment on why an area is deemed disturbed subject to judicial review.

Similarly, no matter what Nairs did, the lower castes had no right to question them, and the lower castes themselves firmly believed this. However, this did not mean Nairs could act with complete impunity.

The lower castes likely feared other lower-caste individuals the most. Protection for themselves, their families, and their women was typically ensured by the Nairs.

The Malabar Manual does not record any instances of Nairs cutting down or killing lower-caste individuals (excluding lower-caste Mappilas). The most precise reason for this may be that, under the English administration, only a few individuals, such as the Malabar District Collector, were English or British.

Until a cadre of directly recruited, English-educated local officers developed, the administration relied on local influential families in villages and small towns to govern. These families were invariably Nairs or higher castes.

Many of these families, individually or collectively, engaged in deceiving and misleading the District Collector and the English administration for personal or communal interests, manipulating official matters, committing fraud, and, where possible, engaging in corruption.

This is explicitly recorded by William Logan in the Malabar Manual.

Even if Nair families killed or harmed lower-caste individuals on agricultural lands or fields under their supervision, such incidents were unlikely to reach the higher echelons of the English administration. However, if the English administration became aware of such crimes and sought to address them legally, those responsible might today be recorded in formal history as Indian freedom fighters without hesitation.

Such killings reportedly continued, albeit to a lesser extent and as isolated incidents, in various rural areas even after India’s independence.

At the same time, in South Malabar, some Mappilas attacked certain Nairs, Ambalavasis, and Namboodiris in isolated incidents. Socially, these would be comparable to attacks on police or other officials today.

The English officers at the top of the administration at the time could not ignore such incidents.

There is much to say about the administration of that period, but that will not be covered now.

The English administration’s provision of education, English proficiency, and government job opportunities beyond caste hierarchies to lower-caste individuals further weakened the Nairs, who had long suffered from internal disunity.

It is difficult to gauge the complexity of what is being conveyed.

Lord William Bentinck noted in 1804, as recorded in the Malabar Manual, that Malabar’s inhabitants had a sense of independence of mind, unlike, for example, Tamils. Many English officers reportedly agreed that Malabaris possessed this independent mindset. The Malabar Manual, possibly a carefully curated document by Nairs, reflects this.

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Lord William Bentinck wrote in 1804 that there was one point in regard to the character of the inhabitants of Malabar, on which all authorities, however diametrically opposed to each other on other points, agreed, and that was with regard to the “independence of mind” of the inhabitants.

At that time, the term “Malabari” referred to Nairs and higher castes up to Namboodiris, with Nairs likely being the most numerous. It is plausible that Nairs exhibited this independence of mind, likely shaped by the interaction of local feudal linguistic codes.

This raises the question: if so, weren’t feudal languages prevalent across the subcontinent, and shouldn’t this mindset be visible in everyone? The answer is that feudal languages indeed influenced everyone across the subcontinent. However, the specific codes within each region’s language and social systems interacted to create distinct and precise human behaviours.

Delving deeper into this topic is not possible here, but it can be noted that much may be uncovered in the intricate software-like codes of words and scripts. For example, in computers, English and other scripts can be written using Alt codes, a simple system unknown to many users. Similarly, different words in the same language may have distinct underlying software-like coding.

During this writing, an observation came to mind: writing “Nair” refers to an individual Nair, but writing “Theeyar” does not refer to an individual Theeya. Exploring terms like Theeyan, Theeyar, Theeyanmar, and Theeyarmar may reveal hidden linguistic nuances. The term “Theeyathi” could also be studied.

Terms like “Nayarthi” or “Nayarichi” were not tolerated by any Nair groups. Moreover, Namboodiri, Ambalavasi, and Nair sub-groups ensured their women were protected from such derogatory terms by establishing respectful terminology, promoting it, and enforcing it among lower castes, as noted earlier in this text.

The writing has veered from the intended topic. I plan to address the original point in the next piece.

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Let me revisit the point mentioned at the end of the previous writing.

Words like Namboodiri, Bhattathiri, Pattar, Chakyar, Nambiar, Variar, and Nair refer to individuals from specific social groups in Malabar, positioned above Theeyars in the social hierarchy.

Now, consider words like Theeyan, Malayan, Vannaan, Pulayan, Cheruman, and Pariyan (Pariah). These words, used to refer to those defined as lower castes, typically end with the script 'ൻ' (n).

This point is presented simply here, as it is a somewhat complex topic. For instance, take the word Brahmanan. It also ends with 'ൻ', yet a Brahmanan is not considered a lower caste.

However, the word Brahmanan does not seem to be commonly used to refer to an individual Namboodiri. It might merely be the Malayalam form of the Sanskrit word Brahman, which adds another layer of complexity.

This issue reportedly caused a problem among the Theeyars in North Malabar. The higher echelons among the Theeyars disliked the term Theeyan. Some claimed they were not Theeyars but Vaishyas instead, preferring to be addressed as Theeyar. Thus, a statement like “A Theeyan is coming” could transform into “Vaishyas are coming,” leading to a profound shift in personal identity.

This observation leads to a revelation: in modern Kerala, a new social group called “saar” is emerging through government positions. If this continues, within a few centuries, they could become a major social force. Within decades, government jobs may largely become hereditary family assets, without any doubt.

Beneath them, a group of “duplicate saars” may emerge and eventually fade away, driven by wealth and private-sector job titles.

In Malabar and Malayalam, the social dignity conferred by words ending in 'ര്' (r), like thiri, contrasts with the lack of dignity implied by words ending in 'ൻ' (n). The English administration was aware of this, as it is discussed in the Malabar Manual in connection with the word Oru (highest-level he/she).

Consider the distinction between Avaru (highest-level he/she) and Avan/Onu (lowest-level he) in Malabari, both translating to “he” in English. When the script ends with 'ര്', it denotes dignity; when it ends with 'ൻ', it implies a lack thereof.

In English, the words he and she have tails pointing upward or downward, a curious linguistic feature. However, there seems to be no recognition that this represents a form of subtle, almost sinister coding.

To understand this coding, one would need to delve into the intricate software-like codes of the Malayalam language, a path that seems obscure today.

Now, returning to the Nairs’ independence of mind: Nairs were subordinate to Brahmins, Kshatriyas, and Ambalavasis, serving them loyally. To draw a simple analogy, they were akin to servants in a large household.

Typically, such servants, both male and female, live suppressed under the weight of feudal language and its verbal codes, shaping their mental and personal identity.

However, if a large group of impoverished people depends on this household, interacting with and pledging loyalty to these servants, the dynamics shift significantly. These impoverished people express subservience daily to the servants, not just the masters.

In feudal language, receiving such respect elevates a person’s dignity and personality, creating a transformation that is both sinister and divinely radiant. This implies that even the sinister carries a negative divine brilliance.

While these servants show great respect and subservience to the master and mistress of the house, they display an air of grandeur before outsiders. They cannot be easily equated with other household servants and refuse to be subdued. To others, this appears as an independent, almost arrogant mindset.

A key feature of feudal language is that when a subordinate individual receives respect, a subtle or significant shift in their social position occurs within the “design view” of the language’s intricate software-like structure.

In simpler terms, if someone previously addressed as Nee (lowest you), Eda/Edi (pejorative you), or by their bare name is suddenly called saar, Chettan (elder brother), Angu (highest you), Avaru (highest he/she), or Adheham (highest he) in another context, or is shown respect through non-verbal signals—such as loosening a mundu, standing in deference, offering a seat, or saluting with folded hands—their mental state undergoes a profound transformation.

These experiences challenge the servant’s lowly status as a worker. Superiors handle this in two ways:

Prevent servants from receiving such experiences that create duality in their personality. In the Indian military, this is somewhat enforced by limiting direct public subservience to lower-ranking soldiers. If soldiers in their 40s or 50s were constantly addressed as Saab, Memsahib, or Aap (highest you) by the public, younger officers might struggle to address them by their bare names or as Nee (lowest you), as the soldiers’ mindset would shift.

In contrast, this issue exists in the Indian police. As new constables interact with the public and receive daily subservience, they develop a sense of superiority. This, among other factors, reduces the control and authority of senior officers, who often overlook such behaviour, adopting a “see no evil, hear no evil” approach. They may excuse it as “no harm done” and avoid enforcing discipline to maintain this dynamic.

The police system established by the English administration in Malabar bears little resemblance to today’s police force.

Returning to the Nairs: in Malabar and Travancore, the Nair social position existed below Namboodiris and Ambalavasis. Various communities were likely appointed to this role. Whether equivalent positions existed elsewhere in the subcontinent is unclear.

However, English writers noted, as mentioned earlier, that only in Nepal was a similar social system observed, where Brahmins offered their women to Nairs, enabling the latter to maintain social superiority. Elsewhere, such practices would have led to social decline, but Namboodiris and certain Nair sub-groups strategically implemented this within strict rules, achieving social elevation.

The most critical rule was suppressing the lower castes. Without this, granting them complete freedom would likely lead to chaos—lower castes might line the streets, jeering, laughing, or even assaulting Nair women as they passed.

Things would have spiralled out of control.

In feudal language societies, unlike English societies, the suppressed must be kept in fear. For example, during Indian military officers’ get-together parties, soldiers stand guard like statues, and such events are held away from the gaze of ordinary citizens.

I plan to explore more on police, military, and related topics through the lens of linguistic codes in future writings.

Initially, Nairs were likely seen by Namboodiris as their servants. Over time, this perception changed significantly. Similar shifts are slowly occurring in today’s police force, where even the lowest ranks are now considered “officers.” These officers are the “saars” at the bottom of the police hierarchy, with the non-“saar” public beneath them. This is how feudal languages shape society.

I still haven’t reached the main point intended in the previous writing. I hope to address it in the next piece.

[VED]

It seems that the English administration did not fully grasp the true rationale, justification, or encouragement behind the social custom allowing Nair women to form short-term relationships with Namboodiris.

However, the broader truth is that many aspects of feudal language were beyond their understanding.

Nairs were the lowest rung within a vast, interconnected web of social groups—whose names did not end in the script 'ൻ' (n)—sharing various social privileges. Even among Nairs, there were prominent individuals and elite families.

For communities outside this web, whose caste names ended in 'ൻ'—such as Eezhavan, Chovvan, Arayan, Vedan, Mala Arayan, Kuravan, Kanikkaran, Pulayan, and Pariyan (Pariah)—they had no right to analyse, criticise, discuss, evaluate, judge, or morally assess the behaviours of higher castes, their internal hierarchies, or their subservience within this social structure.

This was also true in Travancore, where many communities with names ending in 'ൻ', outside the Brahmin-Ambalavasi-Nair alliance, existed, though this hardly needs stating.

The Nairs themselves faced an issue with the 'ൻ' suffix. Defining them as Shudran could evoke a similar problem, akin to the Theeyan-Vaishya distinction. This likely caused the Nairs some discomfort, however slight.

As British-India was established across much of South Asia, the English administration strengthened in Malabar, and English missionary activities in Travancore awakened some lower-caste individuals socially, the feudal language’s rigid social structure began to unravel—a silent reality.

The custom allowing Nair women to form relationships with Namboodiri men, and with men from other castes showing subservience to them, likely gave newly empowered lower-caste individuals opportunities to discuss this in distasteful terms or mock it with derisive language.

Yet, these same lower-caste individuals may have forgotten that their ancestors lived in profound social misery.

Some from these lower castes, engaging in commercial activities in British-India’s Madras Presidency, grew economically and socially, which likely became a challenge for the Nairs. In a feudal language society, where everyone lives and thinks within its codes, the rise of another group creates problems. It’s worth noting that caste distinctions lacked legal validity in British-India.

Some men from these rising lower castes may have attempted to form short-term relationships with Nair girls under the pretext of sambandham. They likely failed to understand, or pretended not to notice, the intricate web of human relationships tied to sambandham, exclusive to higher castes. Nair women were meant to form such relationships only with Namboodiris, certain Ambalavasis, and elite Nair sub-groups. But as social structures frayed, with customs loosening, tightening, or reversing in different regions, some exploited sambandham as a pretext for their actions.

👉 Rev. Samuel Mateer in Native Life in Travancore noted:

Individuals of some castes are allowed to form connections with Sudra females which are to them irregular, but which they attempt to justify by pleading the Nair usages; and many cases of prostitution occur, even among the respectable classes.

However, some points about sambandham must be clarified.

The relationship between Nairs and Namboodiris was sustained through a complex web of social connections, not as a casual practice. It was governed by clear customs and protocols, rooted in a defined hierarchy of status.

The subservience Nairs showed, along with the sanctity and purity of their offerings in this relationship, may not have been comprehensible to outsiders.

For example, consider a police station. When the Inspector enters each morning, the guarding constable stands erect, holds the rifle forward, strikes its butt with the right hand, and salutes—a formal display of respect. This daily ritual fosters admiration, respect for the Inspector, regard for the constable, and trust in the police system among onlookers. Yet, the constable’s actions stem from an invisible web of command-and-obedience links within the police structure, which spectators may not perceive.

Now, imagine the public’s status rising significantly, the ruling system weakening, and whispers of a new regime emerging. The police system begins to crumble, and the Inspector’s authority diminishes. In this scenario, the constable’s formal salute—standing erect, striking the rifle, and saluting—may appear foolish or comical to the public. They might stand tall, adjust their mundu, mock this display, whistle, or make derogatory noises.

As time passes, if the new regime strips the police of their powers, the former Inspector, standing stunned like a man struck by lightning, might evoke a sense of embarrassment in the former constable who once saluted him. The constable might lament, “Was it for this man that I performed that foolish act?”

Among Nairs and Namboodiris, many are said to have worked for major social reforms, but this may not be the full truth.

When the lower castes were unleashed, they gained the ability to direct their eyes, minds, and words toward the private actions of their former superiors. While they may not act as moral police, their ability to jeer, whistle, or address others demeaningly became the new social reality.

This was likely a key factor in the social reform processes affecting Nairs and Namboodiris. The words, thoughts, and opinions of the lowly, once understood and felt, could profoundly disrupt the elevated status of those accustomed to distance from such voices.

Moreover, with the advent of English administration in Malabar, the Nair-Ambalavasi-Namboodiri social alliance likely began to fray. The subservience Nairs owed to Namboodiris became as absurd as saluting a powerless Inspector. In Malabar, this subservience began fading from the first day of English rule and soon vanished entirely. In Travancore, it weakened but persisted longer, with Namboodiris retaining a divine aura in Nair minds for some time.

While the English administration dismantled the old social structure of subservience to elites, it lacked the time to forge a new social order based on English linguistic codes. As this transition slowly unfolded, two world wars threw everything into disarray. After the Second World War, as the English administration began to recover, a reckless Prime Minister in Britain rose to power and destroyed it all.

The point intended two writings ago remains unaddressed. I plan to cover it in the next piece.

[VED]

Quote:
When a person, who is usually addressed by everyone as "Nee" (lowest you), "eda" (pejorative you), or merely by name, is suddenly addressed in another setting as "Sir," "Brother," "Avaru" (highest level he/she), "Adheham" (highest level he), or "Oru" (highest level he/she), and is respected through words or non-verbal signals—such as loosening the mundu, standing up in respect, giving up a seat, or saluting with folded hands—an immense change occurs in that person’s mental state.
End of Quote

The above quotation is from Volume 13, Chapter 10 of this work.

I have already mentioned movements that prevent such mental experiences from being granted to the lower classes (e.g., the Indian Army).

The social experience received by the Nairs, who had the authority and ability only to oversee, control, and, if necessary, punish the enslaved people under the Namboodiris, must have been entirely different.

Here, we need to take a brief look at the design view of the intricate software platform of words.

In Malabar, let us examine the two forms of the word "You"—Inhi (lowest you) and Ingallu (highest you, equivalent to "Avaru" in Malayalam).

Each of these word forms pushes and holds human personality and mental state in two opposite vertical directions.

The personality addressed as "Ingallu" is pushed upwards, while the personality addressed as "Inhi" is pushed downwards.

However, when a person under this "Inhi" personality addresses that individual as "Ingallu," expressing subservience, it may be observed in the design view of the software platform that the "Inhi" person receives a slight upward push.

But if numerous lower-class people live under that person and express obedience and subservience to them, it may appear as though the needle of a clock, which holds that person down, slowly moves upwards from the 6 o’clock position, as if climbing up.



Look at the provided protractor image. As more and more people from below express subservience by addressing someone as "Ingallu," the needle slowly moves upwards from "Inhi" towards "Avaru." This is what the image attempts to illustrate.

The needle’s tip, which was pushed downwards as "Inhi," rises upwards in direct proportion to the number of people below and the intensity of their subservience.

I am not sure if this was mentioned earlier in this writing, but to clarify: the personality of each individual living in Indian feudal languages is a ratio of two word forms standing at opposite angles.

To put it more clearly, a Hindi-speaking person would be a proportional mixture of ---% "Aap" and ---% "Tu."

In the case of Malayalam, every individual is a person comprising a certain percentage of "Avaru" (highest he/she) and the remaining percentage of "Nee" (lowest you).

In Malabar, every individual is a person comprising a certain percentage of "Ingallu" and the remaining percentage of "Inhi."

In the Indian Army, a commissioned officer might be approximately 90% "Aap" and 10% "Tu" within the military context.

At the same time, a sepoy-grade soldier in the Indian Army often expresses a personality that is approximately 20% "Aap" and 80% "Tu."

However, it must also be said that these proportional percentages exist in a slightly dynamic state.

The personality of individuals living in feudal language spaces like India is constantly pulled and pushed towards opposite angles. This is the kind of personality observable in such individuals, and it is likely a complex matter.

When a language with flat codes, such as pristine-English, spreads into the individual, other individuals around them, and society, the codes that create a personality pulled towards opposite angles and cause fluctuations in mental state may gradually fade from these individuals.

Let us take a look.

Teacher–student, policeman–autorickshaw driver, policeman–commoner, police superior (IPS)–police sepoy, father–son, mother–son, uncle–niece, employer–worker, and indeed, everyone living in this region has a proportional percentage of these codes pulling towards opposite angles, which creates linguistic codes in the individual and their relationships.

If the person below becomes slightly more assertive, the percentage of "Tu" in them decreases, and the percentage of "Aap" increases. This is another factor that significantly influences and affects the mental equilibrium of individuals in this country.

Any individual, movement, legislator, or those engaged in social work or addressing mental issues in South Asia and other feudal language regions should be aware of this subtle reality.

While much could be written in connection with this matter, here and now, I am attempting to analyse the social status of the Nairs in a general manner in the past. Therefore, I will not delve into that vast subject.

However, let me add this: in Kerala and India, the proportional percentage of words like Avaru–Nee, Ingallu–Inhi, Aap–Tu, or Ungal–Nee filling an individual’s personality may be distinctly observable.

Among the Nairs, who extracted subservience from the enslaved people up to the Theeyas under the Namboodiris, the percentage of "Inhi" or "Nee" imposed by the Namboodiris is found to be very low.

I will write a bit more about this in the next piece.

The matter I intended to mention a few writings ago is still on my mind. I hope to write about it in the next piece.

[VED]

In the previous writing, I mentioned that the personality, physical structure, facial expressions, and other aspects of every individual in India are shaped in accordance with the definition of a specific proportional standard of the word forms Avaru (highest he/she) and Nee (lowest you).

This seems to be something that could be used in anthropological studies. I do not intend to elaborate further on this matter here and now.

However, it feels appropriate to assign a technical name to this proportional standard. Doing so would make it easier to refer to and use this concept later.

I propose the term Indicant Index Number, or in short, IIN.

This Indicant Index Number or IIN can be placed within a scale ranging from +5 upwards to -5 downwards.

That is, a scale within the range of ⁺5 to 0 to ⁻5.

It can be understood that as the degree of terms like Avaru, Ingallu, Aap, or Ungal increases, the level of IIN rises; whereas when the degree of Avaru, Ingallu, Aap, or Ungal decreases and the degree of Nee, Inhi, Tu, or Nee increases, the IIN level decreases (becoming negative).

The forms defining this matter can be observed in everyone who speaks feudal languages in this country or lives through the processing of feudal languages. By precisely examining each individual, it might even be possible to accurately determine the IIN level they hold at a given time. However, it should also be understood that changes in the level of IIN can occur in individuals.

If a thousand people from various sectors and levels in this country are randomly selected and placed together in one direction, the varying rises and falls caused by this IIN might be observable in their facial expressions, body language, and other aspects.

This subject, though seemingly simple, is somewhat complex. Words are being carefully reined in while writing about this topic here. If not done so, words might roll away in multiple directions like marbles scattered in a heap.

In Malabar, the difference in this IIN can be clearly observed between private doctors and their assistants, or between lawyers and their clerks. The former group is addressed as "Sir," while the latter is addressed as Inhi or Nee.

The level of this IIN is, in fact, automatically considered even when appointing individuals as subordinate employees. It holds significant relevance in establishing marital relationships and even within marital relationships.

One should not assume that if an individual’s Indicant Index Number level rises excessively, their personality will reach the level of the English.

In English individuals and their relationships, there is no presence of this IIN whatsoever.

There, everyone operates within a single, astonishing coding system of the word "You" and its associated forms like "He" and "She." There is no hidden, enigmatic coding in words that pulls the mind and mental states towards opposite angles.

The invisible factor of IIN in Indian feudal languages has caused numerous mental states and social conditions among Indians that are not seen in English.

For example, the designation of a "leader" is deeply entrenched in feudal languages. I, as a writer, do not recall encountering the concept of a leader in English classical literature or in accounts of English administration. Moreover, I do not recall coming across the term "leadership training" either.

However, in feudal languages, whenever two or more people sit together to discuss anything, there seems to be a silent positioning where one person is placed at the top and another at the very bottom.

When a scene of two or more people sitting together comes into view, others spontaneously assess who is the leader and who is the subordinate in that group.

Due to this, when individuals fall under the gaze of others, some may suddenly or eagerly feel compelled to act as a leader or display leadership qualities.

These are things absent in English. When English people appoint a doctor or lawyer’s assistant, they do not feel compelled to select someone with a relatively lower IIN value. However, in India, everyone behaves in this manner.

Another point to mention is that giving a subordinate employee with a low IIN great authority or the ability to behave disrespectfully towards lower classes does not necessarily raise their IIN level.

Instead, the harshness of their low level often intensifies, and its repulsiveness increases. However, over time and across generations, an increase in the IIN level may occur in that group.

Another point to note is that when individuals with a personality filled with the Indicant Index Number trait from feudal languages enter English-speaking nations and integrate into those societies, a social disruption not traditionally present in English societies may emerge.

All occupations and workers may be classified in a manner defined as positive or negative. Some individuals become glorified greats, while a large group of others turn into people bearing varying degrees of stigma.

This change may begin to manifest in the facial expressions of individuals.

When this happens, one highly visible outcome might be a social change where public toilets in that land gradually become increasingly unclean.

Having said all this, let us now return to the flow of the writing.

[VED]

The starting point of the Nairs’ personality and mental state may have been from the lowest level of the Indicant Index Number (IIN). Later, as they began to gain control over lower-class people, their IIN level rose through generations, and some among them may have attained a very high IIN, as can be seen in historical accounts.

Nevertheless, they likely always faced a social barrier, similar to how police sepoys cannot be promoted to IPS officers.

Thus, when considered as a whole, as more and more power and physical strength were acquired by them, the lowest enslaved people under them likely experienced them as increasingly terrifying.

At the same time, over time, as these Nairs rose to higher Indicant Index Number levels, their former primitive traits may have begun to fade, and more refined human qualities may have developed in them. This may have led their overlords, the Namboodiris, to perceive them as increasingly improved.

A similar issue exists in the Indian police force. The more power police sepoys gain, the less change occurs in their position within the police hierarchy. No change occurs in the communication barriers they face with their superiors.

However, to common people, they become increasingly harsh nightmares. At the same time, to senior police officers, these sepoys may seem to exhibit greater loyalty, obedience, and efficiency, to an extent.

Among the Nairs, particularly those of higher sub-castes, many foreigners, including the English, observed remarkable qualities in their facial expressions, physical demeanor, dignity, and mental states. They recorded their astonishment at how such qualities could exist in a group known as Shudras.

It is thought that those in the southern part of South Asia are Dravidians and a variant of Tamils.

However, this assumption is generally, and particularly regarding Malabar, entirely foolish.

Foreigners, including the English, could not find any clear reason why the Nairs, understood to have evolved from Tamils or even from the lower Shudra caste, lacked Dravidian characteristics.

Some records suggest that the Nairs may have Aryan blood mixed with that of the Namboodiris, with Aryan physical traits standing out prominently.

There is a likelihood that many perceive those in the "north," a region above the south, as superior. This is because, on a map, the south is depicted below, and the north above.

In feudal languages, this very knowledge may prompt word codes to suggest placing northern and southern individuals as superior and inferior, respectively.



Original map is here

The error in drawing maps has influenced language codes and mental states. It seems that even if the globe is drawn upside down, no change would occur in the universal structure. For this reason, inverted maps👆 are available.

Accordingly, the southern region of South Asia is at the top, and the Hindi-speaking region is at the bottom.

The Himalayas are deep below in a pit, while the great ocean stands at the top, touching the sky.

The imagination that Cape Comorin (Kanyakumari) rises from the twinkling stars in the sky towards the depths of the ocean becomes a grand vision.

If such an idea takes hold, the supremacy of the Aryans may itself be questioned. Then, surpassing the Vedas and mythological epic characters, worship practices like that of Muthappan from South Asia’s southern region may spread across this subcontinent.

There are several clear reasons why the Nairs exhibited remarkable personalities in those times. One is that they may have had a blood connection with the Namboodiris, who claim fair skin.

However, personality does not rise solely due to this.

The fact that a Nair individual, from birth, had the privilege to address lower-caste men and women by mere name, Nee, eda, edi, enthane, enthale, enthada, enthadi, avattakal, or aittingal is a significant matter. These words facilitate trampling down the lower classes.

I, as a writer, have personally witnessed many instances in the past where young individuals addressed people much older than themselves with such words, defining and addressing them in this manner.

Unlike in English, where younger people or subordinates address elders and superiors by mere name or as You, He, or She, the situation in feudal languages is different. English is a language devoid of Indicant Index Number codes.

The situation in feudal languages, filled with the phenomenon of Indicant Index Number codes, is not the same.

In a person addressed as Nee, immense value fills within the Indicant Index Number level.

At the same time, the one addressed as Nee melts away. If this melting state is lifelong, it does not cause a mental experience akin to being struck by lightning.

Around 1990, I witnessed something firsthand. An acquaintance’s uncle, who had retired as an officer in a technical wing of the Indian Army, had a son who was a shy teenager. After pre-degree, this teenager passed a competitive exam for the officer cadre in the army and went for training.

I never met this person afterward. However, about two years later, my acquaintance met this person, now an army officer, and with unyielding astonishment, as if struck by a flash of lightning, told me words I still remember.

The once-shy individual was no longer present; instead, a person radiating immense commanding presence had emerged.

The ability to address soldiers, from young recruits to those older than one’s own father, as Tu (Nee) without any hesitation is the most valuable and beastly leadership training and personality development programme in the world.

Those who receive such leadership training gain immense mental strength.

Such a transformation is unimaginable to English speakers, even in their wildest dreams or nightmares.

The same beastly leadership demeanor seen in this army officer can be observed in police sepoys today.

The former (army officer) can be likened to the commanding authority of the Namboodiris, and the latter (police sepoy) to that of the Nairs.

Quote from Malabar Manual:

The next caste to be noticed is formed of the Cherumar or agrestic slaves. These were in all probability the aborigines of the country when it passed under the rule of the Nairs.

The name is now written as above Cherumar, and as such is supposed to be derived from cheru, small, an adjective which correctly describes the appearance of this caste now-a-days; but size and stature depend more upon conditions of food than upon anything else, and a race which has for centuries on centuries cont

inued to be fed by its masters on a minimum of what will keep body and soul together is pretty sure in the long run to degenerate in size.

It need not be explicitly stated that the Cherumars, living in this manner, would have very low self-confidence and mental vigor. It is certain that foreigners, seeing Nairs and Cherumars together, would think they belong to entirely different races.

Feudal languages endowed the Nairs with magnificent mental vigor and self-confidence. When a young Nair child addressed an older lower-caste person as Nee, that person would display subservience, much like in the Indian Army.

When invasions came to Malabar from Mysore, and later when English rule spread in Malabar, many among these lower classes broke free as if their chains had burst, acting unrestrained.

Speaking of the army, I recall when the French army fought alongside George Washington’s forces in America against British rule. The presence of English-speaking individuals on both sides was a surprising experience for the French soldiers. They gained a novel experience of mental dignity.

When these French soldiers returned to France, they joined plans to behead their own king.

Such is the state when those enslaved in feudal languages receive even a small English experience.

[VED]

Quote from Malabar and Anjengo:

The large admixture of Aryan blood combined with the physical peculiarities of the country would go far to explain the very marked difference between the Nayar of the present day, and what may be considered the corresponding Dravidian races in the rest of the Presidency.

The foolishness in writings of this kind may be attributed to their attempts to reach grand conclusions from very trivial social perspectives, though things might be somewhat more complex.

It seems likely that these quoted sentences were probably contributed to Malabar and Anjengo by individuals who were either Nayars or perhaps Namboodiris.

By suggesting that Aryans, akin to gods, are located in the north of South Asia, it is written in a manner that implies we, they, and others are part of a lineage connected to that divine ancestry.

At the same time, the Malabar Manual mentions, as noted earlier, the remarkable personality development observed among some of the matrilineal Thiyyas in Tellicherry and its surroundings. However, nowhere does it indicate any attempt to trace an Aryan bloodline connection in them.

The fact that no one considered that the creation of feudal language codes in the Indicant Index Number contributes significantly to this personality development is truly astonishing. Additionally, it should be remembered that good nutrition, available in sufficient quantity, naturally accompanies this.

Now, let me move to the matter I’ve been intending to discuss for a while.

The Nayars possessed great personality and physical prowess, as well as significant social authority over large groups of lower people in various petty kingdoms, small towns, and villages. In each of those regions, they were likely an organised force with clear leadership.

When they clashed among themselves or with Nayar warriors from other petty kingdoms, both sides were likely great daredevils and heroic warriors, capable of creating epic tales of valour in the minds of the lower people.

However, it seems that these highly capable individuals could only remain fragmented.

In the early 1730s, when Somesekhara Nayakha, the king of Canara, sent a powerful army to invade and conquer North Malabar, most of the petty kingdoms in North Malabar, with negligible military strength, were ready to align under the English East India Company.

This was driven by the functioning of a significant coding in the language codes, which I won’t delve into now.

The English Company struggled to keep the petty kingdoms united, which is one aspect.

Quote from Malabar Manual:

But jealousies were rife and the others all held aloof.

What I am about to discuss is a social link structure absent in English.

Consider the Indian Army.

Looking solely at the infantry of the Indian Army, the ladder-like hierarchy appears as follows:

COs (Commissioned Officers), JCOs (Junior Commissioned Officers), NCOs (Non-Commissioned Officers), and Sepoy (soldier) are understood as follows, with reference to the high-low status table of tū (നീ - lowest you), āpp/sāb/mem sāb (നിങ്ങൾ - polite you / sir / madam):
COs
Field Marshal
General
Lieutenant General
Major General
Brigadier
Colonel
Lieutenant Colonel
Major
Captain
Lieutenant

तू👇

JCOs 👆आप्प् / साब् / मेम साब

तू👇 Subedar major 👆आप्प् &c.

तू👇 Subedar 👆आप्प् &c.

तू👇 Naib subedar 👆आप्प् &c.

तू👇

NCOs 👆आप्प् &c.

तू👇 Havildar 👆आप्प् &c.

तू👇 Naik 👆आप्प् &c.

तू👇 Lance Naik 👆आप्प् &c.

तू👇 Lowest level

Sepoy 👆आप्प् / साब् / मेम साब


The highest group consists of Commissioned Officers. It is believed they communicate in English among themselves. Without questioning this half-truth, let us proceed.

Below the Commissioned Officers, those at lower levels address each other as tū (നീ - lowest you), while each group above the Sepoy, up to the Commissioned Officers, is addressed as āpp/sāb/mem sāb (നിങ്ങൾ - polite you / sir / madam) in a layered manner.

This is a powerful link of command and obedience, as well as a coding of words that clearly conveys communication, reverent respect, and servitude in different directions.

Downward, this link and direction multiply in number, while upward, numerous links are unified.

While a faint shadow of this may be seen in the English army or similar English contexts, the absence of Indicant word codes in English words means that the phenomenon of the Indicant Index Number code does not arise in individuals. Thus, things in English are not like they are in Hindi, Malayalam, or other such languages.

How the high-low coding listed above affects the efficiency, quality, and behaviour of the Indian Army and Indian Police will be discussed later.

For now, the subject is the Nayars of olden times.

I intend to continue in the next writing.

[VED]

The invisible command-obedience link existing in the Indian Army and South Asia is termed Indicant Vector Route Segments (IVRS).

तू आप्प्
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In the feudal languages of South Asia, just as there exists an invisible high-low status link (IVRS) stretching from the Commissioned Officers to the lowest Sepoy within the army, in olden times, there was likely a similar set of invisible links created and maintained by language codes, from Namboodiris down to Nayars.

Sepoys are kept at a high level above ordinary citizens by being provided with substantial salaries and splendid facilities.

Similarly, in the past, Nayars were maintained above numerous lower people by being granted significant social authority, supervisory powers, wealth, and privileged positioning in language codes.

Maintaining individuals in such links within the army, as depicted above, is achieved through rigorous, somewhat brutal, and to some extent inhumane training from the outset.

This is because every individual joining the army is connected to others in various ways through word codes. As a father, uncle, elder brother, guru, sports star, teacher, or in other roles, they may have lived adopting words like आप्प्.

Moreover, they may also express servitude and respect towards others in a similar manner.

In other words, these individuals, despite having no place in the link shown above (IVRS), may be entangled in many other आप्प् - तू (highest - lowest you) links.

One of the primary objectives of Indian Army training is to dissolve or deactivate all external links that serve as alternatives to the army’s high-low status link for every individual entering training as a Sepoy.

There is no other way.

This is because if a Sepoy retains a link of servitude, obedience, or respect pointing in an external direction outside the army’s command-obedience link, that individual will not conform to the army’s discipline. Furthermore, it will be difficult for army officers to control such a person.

For example, if a person in a specific position in the links above, who can be addressed as तू, has a family member in a position below them, the downward तू transforms into आप्प्.

As a result, a breaking and redirection occur in that link (IVRS).

In the army, among Sepoys, one may find highly intelligent individuals, gurus, philosophers, social reformers, and others. However, the army’s discipline does not permit these traits to be expressed outwardly in a way that disrupts the link (IVRS) created by language codes.

If any individual within the army’s obedience link (IVRS) shows respect to a subordinate, a disruption occurs at that point in the link (IVRS).

This disruption can be depicted somewhat as follows:

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👇👆 ☝️👇
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👇👇 ☝️👇
👇☝️
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This phenomenon is happening in the police today, but I won’t delve into that now.

When discussing the army’s obedience link, it is necessary to mention the English army.

In the English army, too, there exists an obedience link from Commissioned Officers to Privates. However, no additional high-low status coding is superimposed on the army’s discipline. That is, there is no powerful additional coding of आप्प् - तू that elevates, suppresses, or forces subservience.

For example, consider only the Commissioned Officers in the Indian Army. If they communicate and converse solely in English, relatively flat personal relationship links may emerge, albeit with some imperfections.

However, when they communicate in Hindi, their personal relationship links spontaneously transform into the form of IVRS.

The attitudes and personalities of Commissioned Officers in these two different forms will be entirely distinct. The Indian Army’s Commissioned Officers today likely exist as an average of these two distinct personalities.

Indian Army Commissioned Officers can address any subordinate soldier as तू, and the subordinate will immediately submit.

However, these Commissioned Officers cannot address an ordinary citizen in normal circumstances with तू or its equivalent. In other words, the link mentioned above ends at the level of the Sepoy.

This, too, is very different from the situation in English.

South Asian society as a whole is filled with numerous such high-low status links. Each exists as small, isolated fragments. Often, it is not possible to extend these links to include those beyond their upper or lower ends or external to them.

One of the significant differences between the society of old England and South Asia may be that English society was not filled with such numerous isolated links creating directional high-low status codes.

All this has been said above to explain the fragmented state of the Nayars in olden times.

The Nayar communities in each petty kingdom, village, or small town can be likened to the links of the lowest ranks in the Indian Army:

तू 👇 Havildar 👆 आप्प् &c.
तू 👇 Naik 👆 आप्प् &c.
तू 👇 Lance Naik 👆 आप्प् &c.
तू 👇 Lowest level
Sepoy 👆 आप्प् / साब् / मेम साब

In this manner, each such community and its IVRS, in every village, town, and petty kingdom, exists in isolation, unable to work cohesively due to the fragmented nature of these Nayar high-low status communities.

This is because, if Nayars from several petty kingdoms and villages are brought together, each remains a member of a distinct, invisible IVRS.

In England during the Second World War, calling out “Come on Harry!” to another Nayar from a different IVRS might not always evoke great affection.

This depicts the actual social condition in South Asia. The entire society is filled with such links. Only by dismantling them can society become like old England.

Many fools, unable to envision this, compare and equate India with England on various online platforms.

[VED]

It may indeed be true that Hyder Ali and, later, his son Tipu, forcibly converted many Nayars in Malabar to Islam.

Quote from Malabar Manual:

Parappanad, also "Tichera Terupar, a principal Nayar of Nelemboor” and many other persons, who had been carried off to Coimbatore, were circumcised and forced to eat beef.

To say that those converted to Islam were turned into slaves or servants of their captors does not fully clarify matters. This is because, in South Asia, the social meaning of the term "slave" in Islamic ruling circles seems different from that in Hindu (Brahmanical) society. I won’t delve into that now.

Some of these Nayars converted to Islam are also seen to have risen to high positions.

Consider this quote from Malabar Manual**:

Among the prisoners carried off in the first inhuman emigration from Malabar, was a young Nair, from Chereul, who had been received as a slave of the populace, and to whom, on his forced conversion to Islam, they had given the name of Shaikh Ayaz. The noble port, ingenuous manners, and singular beauty of the boy attracted general attention; and when at a more mature age he was led into the field, his ardent valour and uncommon intelligence recommended him to the particular favour of Hyder, who was an enthusiast in his praise, and would frequently speak to him, under the designation of “his right hand in the hour of danger.”

This Shaikh Ayaz later rose to become one of Hyder’s military commanders. Tipu harboured great animosity towards him. I’ll discuss that story later.

More needs to be said about the forced conversion of Nayars and others to Islam. But first, let’s consider the Nayars who were not converted.

It should be understood that a lifestyle involving polyandry existed socially among Nayar women.

Consider this quote from Travancore State Manual Vol 2:

Justice Mr. Narayana Marar of Cochin writes in an article in the Malabar Quarterly Review for 1902: “There is nothing strange or to be ashamed of in the fact that the Nayars were originally of a stock that practised polyandry, nor if the practice continued till recently. Hamilton in his ‘Account of the East Indies’ and Buchanan in his ‘Journey’ say that among the Nayars of Malabar, a woman has several husbands, but these are not brothers. These travellers came to Malabar in the 18th and beginning of the 19th centuries. There is no reason whatever to suppose that they were not just recording what they saw. For I am not quite sure whether even now, the practice is not lurking in some remote nooks and corners of the country.”

The command and warning given by Tipu Sultan to the Nayars when he attempted to establish rule in Malabar is quoted below.

Quote from Malabar Manual:

... since it is a practice with you for one woman to associate with ten men, and you leave your mothers and sisters unconstrained in their obscene practices, and are thence all born in adultery, and are more shameless in your connexions than the beasts of the field: I hereby require you to forsake those sinful practices, and live like the rest of mankind.

Quote: Since it is your custom for one woman to associate with ten men, and you allow your mothers and sisters to engage in unrestrained obscene practices, you are all born in adultery and are more shameless in your relationships than the beasts of the field; I hereby direct you to abandon your sinful lifestyle and live like the rest of mankind. End

Such a command may have been issued to regulate and reform social customs. However, it does not seem possible to conclude from this that Tipu’s forces did not sexually exploit Nayar women during wartime.

In reality, the command issued by Tipu’s father, Hyder Ali, was far more severe than Tipu’s.

Quote from Malabar Manual:

Before he quitted the country, Hyder, by a solemn edict, declared the Nayars deprived of all their privileges; and ordained that their caste, which was the first after the Brahmans, should thereafter be the lowest of all the castes, subjecting them to salute the Pariahs and others of the lowest castes by ranging themselves before them as the other Malabars had been obliged to do before the Nayars; permitting all the other castes to bear arms and forbidding them to the Nayars, who till then had enjoyed the sole right of carrying them; at the same time allowing and commanding all persons to kill such Nayars as were found bearing arms.

In reality, had there not been an English Company trading centre in Tellicherry, all Nayars would have become a servile people, enslaved under Thiyyas, Malayars, Pulayas, Cherumars, and others, enduring their mere name-calling and the blows of words like inhi, ane, ale, eda, and edi, living diminished and dissolved. That is the truth.

Ordinarily, Nayar men might not lay hands on women from the lowest castes, but men from those lowest castes, given the opportunity, would indeed lay hands on Nayar women. That, too, is the truth.

The answer to the Nayar (Menon) individual, educated in the US and now dabbling in Indian politics, who writes and speaks foolishly about what would have happened had English rule not come, lies in the matters stated above.

Had English rule not arrived, this individual’s ancestors and their women would have toiled exhaustedly in the midday heat in the fields of Pulayas and Cherumars, and at night, those women would have been freely used by the many lords of those communities, their stories written in the unseen pages of India’s grand history.

This is also indicated in the Malabar Manual by William Logan himself.

Quote:

Another conquering race had appeared on the scene, and there is not the slightest doubt that, but for the intervention of a still stronger foreign race, the Nayars would now be denizens of the jungles like the Kurumbar and other jungle races whom they themselves had supplanted in similar fashion.

The group that intervened as saviours was the English Company. However, the English Company did not intervene to save the Nayars; the Nayars were merely saved through this intervention.

What I intend to write next is about the emotional aspects related to religious conversion. I plan to address that in the next writing.

[VED]

It may indeed be true that Hyder Ali and, later, his son Tipu, forcibly converted many Nayars in Malabar to Islam.

Quote from Malabar Manual:

Parappanad, also "Tichera Terupar, a principal Nayar of Nelemboor” and many other persons, who had been carried off to Coimbatore, were circumcised and forced to eat beef. End

To say that those converted to Islam were turned into slaves or servants of their captors does not fully clarify matters. This is because, in South Asia, the social meaning of the term "slave" in Islamic ruling circles seems different from that in Hindu (Brahmanical) society. I won’t delve into that now.

Some of these Nayars converted to Islam are also seen to have risen to high positions.

Consider this quote from Malabar Manual**:

Among the prisoners carried off in the first inhuman emigration from Malabar, was a young Nair, from Chereul, who had been received as a slave of the populace, and to whom, on his forced conversion to Islam, they had given the name of Shaikh Ayaz. The noble port, ingenuous manners, and singular beauty of the boy attracted general attention; and when at a more mature age he was led into the field, his ardent valour and uncommon intelligence recommended him to the particular favour of Hyder, who was an enthusiast in his praise, and would frequently speak to him, under the designation of “his right hand in the hour of danger.”

This Shaikh Ayaz later rose to become one of Hyder’s military commanders. Tipu harboured great animosity towards him. I’ll discuss that story later.

More needs to be said about the forced conversion of Nayars and others to Islam. But first, let’s consider the Nayars who were not converted.

It should be understood that a lifestyle involving polyandry existed socially among Nayar women.

Consider this quote from Travancore State Manual Vol 2:

Justice Mr. Narayana Marar of Cochin writes in an article in the Malabar Quarterly Review for 1902: “There is nothing strange or to be ashamed of in the fact that the Nayars were originally of a stock that practised polyandry, nor if the practice continued till recently. Hamilton in his ‘Account of the East Indies’ and Buchanan in his ‘Journey’ say that among the Nayars of Malabar, a woman has several husbands, but these are not brothers. These travellers came to Malabar in the 18th and beginning of the 19th centuries. There is no reason whatever to suppose that they were not just recording what they saw. For I am not quite sure whether even now, the practice is not lurking in some remote nooks and corners of the country.”

The command and warning given by Tipu Sultan to the Nayars when he attempted to establish rule in Malabar is quoted below.

Quote from Malabar Manual:
... since it is a practice with you for one woman to associate with ten men, and you leave your mothers and sisters unconstrained in their obscene practices, and are thence all born in adultery, and are more shameless in your connexions than the beasts of the field: I hereby require you to forsake those sinful practices, and live like the rest of mankind. End

Quote: Since it is your custom for one woman to associate with ten men, and you allow your mothers and sisters to engage in unrestrained obscene practices, you are all born in adultery and are more shameless in your relationships than the beasts of the field; I hereby direct you to abandon your sinful lifestyle and live like the rest of mankind. End

Such a command may have been issued to regulate and reform social customs. However, it does not seem possible to conclude from this that Tipu’s forces did not sexually exploit Nayar women during wartime.

In reality, the command issued by Tipu’s father, Hyder Ali, was far more severe than Tipu’s.

Quote from Malabar Manual:
Before he quitted the country, Hyder, by a solemn edict, declared the Nayars deprived of all their privileges; and ordained that their caste, which was the first after the Brahmans, should thereafter be the lowest of all the castes, subjecting them to salute the Pariahs and others of the lowest castes by ranging themselves before them as the other Malabars had been obliged to do before the Nayars; permitting all the other castes to bear arms and forbidding them to the Nayars, who till then had enjoyed the sole right of carrying them; at the same time allowing and commanding all persons to kill such Nayars as were found bearing arms. End

In reality, had there not been an English Company trading centre in Tellicherry, all Nayars would have become a servile people, enslaved under Thiyyas, Malayars, Pulayas, Cherumars, and others, enduring their mere name-calling and the blows of words like inhi, ane, ale, eda, and edi, living diminished and dissolved. That is the truth.

Ordinarily, Nayar men might not lay hands on women from the lowest castes, but men from those lowest castes, given the opportunity, would indeed lay hands on Nayar women. That, too, is the truth.

The answer to the Nayar (Menon) individual, educated in the US and now dabbling in Indian politics, who writes and speaks foolishly about what would have happened had English rule not come, lies in the matters stated above.

Had English rule not arrived, this individual’s ancestors and their women would have toiled exhaustedly in the midday heat in the fields of Pulayas and Cherumars, and at night, those women would have been freely used by the many lords of those communities, their stories written in the unseen pages of India’s grand history.

This is also indicated in the Malabar Manual by William Logan himself.

Quote:
Another conquering race had appeared on the scene, and there is not the slightest doubt that, but for the intervention of a still stronger foreign race, the Nayars would now be denizens of the jungles like the Kurumbar and other jungle races whom they themselves had supplanted in similar fashion. End

The group that intervened as saviours was the English Company. However, the English Company did not intervene to save the Nayars; the Nayars were merely saved through this intervention.

What I intend to write next is about the emotional aspects related to religious conversion. I plan to address that in the next writing.

[VED]

Can it be said that the Mysoreans, by converting some Ambalavasis, Nayars, Mappila Thiyyas, Pulayas, Pariahs, Cherumars, and others in Malabar to Islam, forcibly converted Hindus to Islam?

None of the communities mentioned above were truly Hindus at that time. Except for the Ambalavasis, none of those listed had access to any Hindu (Brahmanical) temples. They were not permitted to read the Vedas or even listen to them being recited. They were also not allowed to consecrate Brahmanical deities.

Today, many Hindus might find it difficult to accept or believe these facts when they hear them. But this is the reality.

It does not seem that anyone forced the Mappila Thiyyas or other lower communities to leap into Islam.

There is also a claim that Hindus were part of Tipu’s forces. Whether this is true is unclear. If there were Brahmans in Tipu’s army, one could claim that Hindus were with him. Kshatriyas would suffice as well.

To say that all non-Muslims in Tipu’s ranks were Hindus would only seem correct through the lens of the overzealous knowledge of Indian academic historians.

Whether Ambalavasis were Hindus is also worth considering.

Consider this:

In Bombay, there are exclusive clubs where only the elite are members. These clubs employ various workers, including those who teach horse riding. No matter how skilled these workers are or how much loyalty, gratitude, or affection they show towards club members, they will never be granted membership based on these qualities.

Once their employment ends, they are outside the club. From that point, their access to it is restricted.

Any sensible person or group in the world would treat their institution’s workers similarly. Acting contrary to this would be sheer folly, and English nations are among those who display such folly. I won’t delve into that now.

Based on the logic above, Ambalavasis were not Hindus either. However, they did cling to Brahmanical dominance. This was because, if they let go of this attachment, they would fall into the hands of lower communities capable of tearing them apart in word codes.

When the Mysoreans came and clashed with the Nayars, it does not seem that the non-Muslims among them viewed the Nayars as their own co-religionists. Their thoughts likely centred on the fact that beyond the Ghats, in Malabar, there were various communities like Variar, Pushpaka, and Nayar, and that these were the ones to be subdued.

They were not Hindus, nor were the others. That was likely their only commonality.

It’s worth considering what happened to the Nayars who converted to Islam. What is written here is based on very limited information, and I acknowledge this upfront.

In those times, captives taken on battlefields were likely used for various tasks for the soldiers. These included cooking food and washing clothes.

A more arduous task was cleaning related to the soldiers’ toileting. Often, captives would dig pits to create temporary toilets at encampments. These captives were indeed slaves.

Toilet facilities are a significant matter. In war zones, they become a major calamity. Around 2,000 Nayars and their families held out for days without surrendering at the old fort in Kuttipuram near Nadapuram, surrounded by Mysoreans. A major reason for their eventual surrender was likely the dwindling availability of water for toileting and sanitation for such a large group.

In Punjab, when Khalistan freedom fighters regrouped at Amritsar’s Golden Temple after Operation Blue Star and raised their revolutionary flag again, KPS Gill IPS, leading the Indian side, had police snipers shoot anyone coming to the temple tank in the morning to fetch water for toileting, firing from tall buildings beyond the compound wall.

This completely halted the revolutionaries’ toileting. Using this strategy, the police officer managed to suppress the rebellion.

In the Himalayas, soldiers reportedly relieve themselves in the open on snow or while hanging from ropes on cliffsides. During war, soldiers face real hardship. In the Himalayas, some areas are said to have started reeking. It’s also impossible to speak of the sacred river sources originating there.

In Malabar’s battlefields, it can be said that only lower-caste individuals were used for cleaning tasks related to toileting. Using Nayars for such tasks would have brought dishonour to all Nayars.

The situation is similar to when an Indian Air Force pilot was captured by Pakistanis. If Pakistani enlisted soldiers interrogated him in Hindi, it would likely cause discomfort for Pakistani army officers.

If an enlisted soldier addressed a Major or Colonel as तू (inhi / lowest you), and the Major or Colonel responded by addressing the soldier as आप्प् (highest you) with subservience, it could create a minor issue within Pakistan’s military discipline.

Pakistani army officers took custody of the Indian pilot and addressed him only in English, treating him as one of their own.

Enlisted soldiers, however, did not see him as such!

The Mysoreans captured Nayars and Ambalavasis. The most severe experience for Nayars and Ambalavasis in Mysore was likely the loss of the elevated status they enjoyed in Malabar’s language codes. Physical labour might have been bearable both mentally and physically.

But the blows of words were unbearable.

It’s also worth noting that many Nayars were not relocated to Mysore.

When the Mysoreans’ power waned, Nayars converted to Islam could have left the religion. However, there is no record of them doing so. One might wonder whether a strong mental urge to abandon the religion, culture, and lifestyle of their captors should have existed.

The Malabar Manual mentions that the Portuguese converted Muslims to Christianity. However, these converts reverted to their original religion at the first opportunity.

Quote:

Nor did the Portuguese content themselves with suppressing the Muhammadan trade; they tried to convert the Moslems to Christianity and it is related that, in 1512, they seized a large number of Moorish merchants at Goa and forcibly converted them. Of course those converts reverted to their own religion at the first convenient opportunity.

However, no record shows Nayars leaping out of Islam. It has been written that they did not do so because they had nowhere to return to.

Saying they had nowhere to return to holds little meaning. They were not Brahmans. Eating beef and undergoing circumcision were deviations that could be erased within a generation.

As mentioned earlier, other castes also consumed meat and fish, living slightly lower in the caste hierarchy.

[VED]

First, let’s examine why Nayars did not return to their traditional spirituality, social behaviours, and family customs. Then, we’ll explore why Christianity and Islam, both forcibly and otherwise, converted or allowed foreign peoples to join their faiths.

Although Nayars may have lived with significant authority in small regions and held prestige in word codes, they were still subordinate to Namboodiris, who had multiple hierarchical layers, and to Ambalavasis, who were similarly stratified. Additionally, there were hierarchies even among the Nayars themselves.

When they converted to Islam, they likely experienced a clear social and psychological upliftment and a sense of elevation.

It’s akin to an Indian police constable, who commands fear and respect in their locality, moving to America, staying there, working small jobs, and gradually becoming a taxi driver.

Oh, what has he done! A taxi driver! Isn’t this a disgrace to the Indian police force? Why doesn’t he return from America? Here, he could wear the police uniform, intimidate every taxi driver, and live grandly!

Upon entering Islam, things changed significantly. While South Asia’s social hierarchies might subtly persist in local Islam, overtly, there were no significant high-low distinctions.

There were no mosques barred due to caste. This, to an extent, must have been a new experience.

This brings up an important point: Nayars had their own traditional shamanistic spiritual practices and associated places of worship. However, above them were the Brahmans and their temples, which must also be noted.

It’s worth considering what changes might have occurred to the shamanistic worship places of Nayar landlord families who converted to Islam.

The psychological issue Nayars likely faced in mosques, especially initially and to a lesser extent later, was the presence and egalitarian behaviour of their former lower communities who also converted to Islam. However, as war captives, Nayars likely confronted this issue in that mindset initially. Over days, months, years, and decades, personal relationships would have evolved.

Yet, local landlord Nayar Muslims likely retained their property, wealth, social prestige, and homes. The only difference would be that they were now Muslims.

Those who retained their familial landlord status would have kept their vast estates, measured in hundreds or thousands of kandies. Cherumars, Pariahs, Pulayas, Thiyyas, and others, including those from these lower communities who converted to Islam, would have worked as their subordinates.

Even among these Muslim landlords, their lower Muslim subordinates likely maintained intense fear and devotion. While it’s said there is no caste in Islam, the shadow of South Asia’s long-standing social hierarchies and divisions would subtly reflect in local Islam. More on this later.

Readers may recall the mention in Vol 2, Chapter 49 of this writing about a Muslim landlord family in Kuttiyadi, about 50 kilometres east of Calicut, known as ‘Sahib,’ who were a nightmare to the local petty Muslims.

In South Asia, people maintain great loyalty and subservience to those who dominate them. However, if a more pleasant subordinate position becomes available, they will leap to it. This is merely the psychological trait and motivation provided by feudal languages.

The loyalty, affection, and devotion Nayars had towards Namboodiris would last only as long as the Namboodiris held social authority. If they tried to demand this from Nayars through mere spirituality without that authority, it would likely be futile.

When English rule came to Malabar, it’s evident that Nayars tore away their subservience to Namboodiris.

Consider the case in the novel Indulekha (1889), set in British Malabar. I haven’t read the novel; the following is based on hearsay.

A respected Namboodiri visits a household. For the traditional-minded family, this is a significant event. They ask Indulekha to sleep with the Namboodiri. But times have changed. Indulekha likely had an English education.

She responds to the Namboodiri in a manner akin to saying, “Get lost.” Later, even her mother suffices for the Namboodiri. Indulekha might have been around sixteen, her mother perhaps between 29 and 32.

It can also be understood that significant changes occurred in the joint family systems of Nayars who converted to Islam.

A man having his own wife, a woman having her own husband—these were concepts Nayars couldn’t even dream of.

It’s unlikely that men who gained such conditions would leap back to their Nayar status. Engaging sexually with men deemed divine in society may not always be enjoyable for women, as sexual pleasure is fleeting.

If the husband’s interests conflicted with demands or commands from the wife’s family elders, uncles, father, mother, or brothers, the wife was not obliged to obey, which likely limited the authority others held over Nayar women.

The flat nature of the Arabic language might have subtly influenced these Nayar Muslims, enabling broader social connections. The obligation to attend mosques and engage in their activities likely cracked their social reclusivity.

Another change among Nayar Muslims was likely in clothing. Women might have worn long-sleeved garments. The sight of exposed breasts or men walking with their genitals uncovered was likely an uncomfortable experience.

However, these changes alone wouldn’t transform society into old England. It’s observed that men developed excessive anxiety about their women’s chastity.

One reason might be that the same social freedom Nayar Muslim men gained was also available to lower Muslim communities. The notion that everyone is equal in the new religion likely caused significant anxiety among new Muslims with Nayar, Ambalavasi, or Brahman identities, leading to a new psychological issue of protecting their women from the gaze and impure thoughts of those with lower origins.

Women adopted long-sleeved blouses, waistcloths, and chest-covering garments, marking a near 180-degree shift in social experience. While this might seem like a prison today, compared to the constant personal, psychological, and physical insecurity Nayar women faced, they likely moved towards greater peace.

However, overcoming issues created by language codes in interactions with lower-caste men and women likely took decades.

Though Thiruvathira dances disappeared, Oppana and similar practices emerged, offering a new experience for Nayar women, who were covered in clothing during Oppana.

Another appealing experience for Nayars in their new identity and religion was likely novel foods. Arabian influences likely crept in. Consuming traditionally forbidden meat curries and other dishes likely led to significant psychological shifts.

The only issue was that everything followed new ways. For those who trained in kalari, practising swordsmanship, transitioning to religious and Arabic studies was likely a novel experience.

Adopting a new lifestyle and the realisation that returning to the old offered little benefit likely diminished the desire among forcibly converted Nayars to leap out of Islam.

Embracing a new lifestyle is significant, and transitioning to it is likely highly pleasant.

When distinct relational words enter the spoken language, individuals and communities transform.

[VED]

Before continuing with this writing, I must share an insight that has come to mind. In Volume 13 of this work, in the chapter titled ‘On the Kalarippayattu expertise found among some Nairs’, I had reflected on how the roots of Kalarippayattu might have spread among the Mappilas.

It was mentioned, based on hearsay, that the Kunjali Marakkar family of Kottakkal, near Badagara, might have acquired Kalarippayattu expertise through their close ties with the Calicut royal family, and that this could have spread to other Mappilas. This was a conjecture shared by a Malabari Muhammadan individual.

However, the thought that has now arisen is that when Nair families from North and South Malabar embraced Islam, Kalarippayattu and its associated practices might have also spread to the Mappilas. The martial form of Padakali Muttam, along with techniques like Choonduvidya (pressure point techniques), Marma Chikitsa (vital point therapy), Uzichil (massage), and others, seem to be present in Mappila Kalaris as well, albeit with slight variations.

Now, let me return to the path of this writing.

It is generally true that Brahmins did not invite or include other communities into their religion, ritual practices, or Vedic studies. In other words, their religion, spirituality, and the esoteric abilities believed to be associated with it—such as the technical knowledge of mantra-tantra ‘software’—were not shared or imparted to others. This knowledge was, in effect, treated as a form of trade secret, a strategic asset, a social tactic against other communities, a skill for defence, and a fortress to remain aloof from others, sustained over centuries.

It is unclear where the Brahmins obtained this knowledge. However, it must be understood that as soon as they acquired it, they turned it into private property.

This is indeed a characteristic trait commonly found among feudal language speakers.

The Persian scholar Al-Biruni (circa 4ᵗʰ September 973 – 9ᵗʰ December 1048) confirmed, nearly 1000 years ago, that such a trait existed among the elite classes of South Asia.

His words are as follows:
👉:

They (South Asians) are by nature miserly in sharing their knowledge, and they take the greatest of efforts to hide it from men of another caste among their own people, and also, of course, from foreigners.

Even today, South Asians and other feudal language communities behave in much the same way.

In the 1990s, when South Asians had little knowledge of computers and software, and English-speaking nations provided them with such information, they acquired it, turned it into private property, and refrained from sharing it with others. This was the characteristic trait they displayed.

Feudal language speakers can only behave in this manner.

It seems that the secrets of Hindu culture, Vedic studies, and other such knowledge were taken from the Brahmins. Other communities that acquired this knowledge appear to have gradually pushed the Brahmins out of Hindu spiritual movements.

It feels as though Brahmin spirituality is intertwined with Sanskrit, a highly complex language with feudal characteristics.

Thus, it seems that the Hindu religious movement is a form of spirituality designed to elevate the individual’s grandeur while orchestrating the downfall of others. For example, it resembles the model of a great guru and several disciples.

In other words, a single exalted individual (the guru) and several subordinate individuals. I have some thoughts about this social structure, but I will not delve into them here.

[VED]

For the proponents of Arabian Islam, there may have been a belief that converting communities perceived as more primitive to Islam could culturally elevate them. However, this is often not entirely feasible.

It has been noted with some surprise in the Malabar Manual that the conduct and standards of pure Arabian Islam bear considerable similarity to the unadulterated conduct and standards of the English. This, too, may only be a partial truth.

The pristine Arabic Islam is not the same as the Islam that develops in other linguistic regions.

Similarly, the Christianity fostered by the London Missionary Society among the lower classes in Travancore bears only a slight mental and attitudinal resemblance to the pure Anglican Christianity of England. This difference cannot be fully understood through ecclesiastical matters alone. Rather, it is only by examining the linguistic attitudes of both groups that the stark differences between them become clear.

The question under discussion here is why many seek to convert others to their religion.

The point mentioned above is true to a small extent: primitive communities can be reformed. However, this is not the sole motivation.

Many have used spirituality to seize social and political leadership. In Maratha history, the figure known as Shivaji is said to have used Brahminical religion to gain a degree of power from Mughal rulers for a short period.

In the 1900s, Bal Gangadhar Tilak promoted Ganesh worship in Maharashtra to rally people under his leadership. (See illustrative image 👇)

In continental Europe, the Vatican used Christianity to bring European nations under its influence. However, in England, which was contrary to the continental European social atmosphere, the English king rejected this Christianity and created a distinct Anglican Christianity for the English. This may have been because they felt their allegiance should not be bound by invisible spiritual ties across the sea.

There is much more to say on this, but we cannot delve into it now.

The most effective way to rally, suppress, and maintain obedience in people lies in the interpersonal relationship design of feudal languages. However, the design of feudal languages, with their distinctions like aap–tu or ang–nee (you–lowest you), requires an external, invisible chain, fence, or binding to maintain hierarchical control.

Indoctrination is a powerful method. In Malabar, the practice of addressing a father as ingal (polite you) and a son as inhi (lowest you) is instilled in children from a young age as a form of indoctrination.

A similar practice is enforced in the Indian military, where, from the training period, soldiers are rigorously indoctrinated through instruction, fear, and punishment.

This kind of indoctrination also occurs in schools operating within regional feudal linguistic environments, starting from childhood.

When the English Company arrived in South Asia, they observed a social structure where the highest and lowest classes—down to the enslaved—coexisted in a layered hierarchy. However, the English Company’s employees likely failed to fully understand this.

The education provided by the English Company caused significant disruptions to this structure, though the English may not have realised it. Instead of a singular hierarchical coding pointing upwards or downwards, new codings emerged, pointing in multiple directions.

Traditional interpersonal alignments were disrupted by new codes based on factors like age, education, high-ranking jobs, government positions, and new familial ties, which disordered the established hierarchy of regional languages.

To illustrate this, consider an example:

Two pilots are flying a plane. If both are English, their age differences or other factors do not affect their formal relationship or the direction of obedience. Their conversations and references to each other, as well as the language used by other English crew members, typically avoid provocative or hierarchical terms in everyday interactions.

Now, imagine both pilots are Malayalis by chance.

Consider further: the senior pilot is younger—perhaps fifteen years younger—than the junior pilot. They are supposed to communicate in English, but much of their conversation occurs in Malayalam. There are also Malayali crew members.

When viewed through linguistic codes, two opposing hierarchies emerge within the language. Formally, the younger pilot is superior due to their role. However, based on age, the junior pilot holds a higher position. The ang–nee (you–lowest you) dynamic can shift horizontally or vertically depending on the context.

When these two pilots converse privately with friends present, if Malayalam terms like sar–nee (sir–lowest you) or sar–ningal (sir–polite you) are not strictly enforced, their formal relationship, self-discipline in flying the plane, and the command-obedience chain may experience minor disruptions. In the context of an aircraft, even minor disruptions are significant.

When communicating in English, terms like chettan (elder brother), sar (sir), nee (lowest you), avan (lowest he), or adheham (highest he) disappear entirely.

The senior pilot’s authority is derived from their official position. Without it, problems arise.

Now, consider the Indian military. A young commissioned officer works alongside a soldier—perhaps a Havildar, Naik, Lance Naik, or Sepoy—who is twenty years older.

In a strong Indian state, the officer as ang and the soldier as nee maintain a stable relationship. However, if the Indian army faces defeat, significant issues emerge. For soldiers bound as nee, this could be seen as an opportunity to break free from their chains.

This is a significant matter. Even when the English side faces collapse anywhere in the world, their interpersonal relationships typically do not foster disobedience or a desire to break free. English lacks the linguistic codes that allow such hierarchical disruptions.



👈 Look at the words in the provided image. An American soldier’s comment about British soldiers highlights their ability to remain united without interpersonal disruptions, even in dire circumstances. The word “British” in the image is inappropriate; “English” should be used instead.

It seems that academic “geniuses” who pontificate about English colonial history are unaware of this critical insight. The people of this subcontinent held great respect, loyalty, and affection for unadulterated English movements, a fact overlooked by these flawed historical studies.

In feudal languages, obeying the words of a powerful officer poses no difficulty. However, when the institution granting that authority is in peril, one must consider how soldiers might behave. A young officer addressing a subordinate as nee in such a scenario could invite disaster.

We will delve deeper into this later.

What does this have to do with religious conversion?

As mentioned, feudal languages have limitations in maintaining obedience through authority and status alone. If a stronger coding can be superimposed on the command-obedience chain, it could gain greater strength and durability.

In other words, if a high-ranking individual who loses authority is also a spiritual leader, they may still maintain obedience through spiritual ties.

The English East India Company, either unaware of this or confident it was unnecessary, showed little interest in converting people in British-India to Anglican Christianity or Christianity in general.

However, other movements have used spirituality for worldly success. Travancore’s king, Marthanda Varma, dedicated his kingdom to Shri Padmanabhaswamy (Vishnu), instilling fear in smaller kingdoms that attacking Travancore would provoke the mighty deity.

Regarding Islam, it is unclear whether there is a distinction between its principles (codes of conduct) and practices (practical traditions).

Islam is said to lack a priesthood, yet it appears to instil strict customs and decorum in individuals from a young age, almost like military discipline, through teaching and training.

Since the language of thought, speech, and life is feudal, it seems that beyond the spiritual veneer, individuals may not attain true refinement of character. Moreover, regardless of its merits or flaws, a competitive mindset may develop toward those outside one’s spiritual movement.

However, for a leader with political, cultural, or royal ambitions, Islam may provide significant leverage to manoeuvre effectively. In an ideal environment, those at the top of this religion can command vast obedience without formal military training, as a disciplined following already exists.

This can be used both positively and dangerously.

Hyder Ali and Tipu Sultan attempted to implement this military concept. The loyalty of many Mappilas in Malabar toward the Arakkal family’s Beevi in Cannanore likely stemmed from spiritual ties.

For Nairs who converted to Islam, their loyalty and affection shifted toward the Mappilas over generations, a fascinating phenomenon when viewed through their heritage. Looking through the darkened paths of history with a torch, it seems their descendants merged with those who once attacked their ancestors.

[VED]

This writing is now moving through matters concerning the Nairs. However, some thoughts related to the previous chapter have come to mind, and I intend to note them here before proceeding.

What I wish to discuss is the Hindu-Muslim communal conflict observed in many parts of South Asia.

The first point that comes to mind is that, in India today, most of those who organise against Muslims under the banner of being "Hindu" were, until around 1900, not truly part of the communities traditionally defined as Hindu.

Ambalavasis, Nayadis, Makkathaya Thiyyas, Marumakkathaya Thiyyas, Cherumars, Pulayas, Pariahs, Malayas, Shanars, Ezhavas, and Nairs—none of these were part of the traditional Hindu religion. The folly lies in lumping both the enslaved and their enslavers under the same "we" as Hindus.

It is also true that events in Malabar have caused enmity between Nambuthiris (Brahmins/Hindus) and Islam.

Consider this quotation from the Malabar Manual:

But the factors now learnt that Brahman messengers were no longer safe; a Brahman selected to convey the message refused to go; and assigned as his reason that there was “a report prevailing that the Nabob had issued orders for all the Brahmans on the coast to be seized and sent up to Seringapatam.”

The Nabob referred to here is Tipu Sahib, the ruler of Mysore.

Immediately following this in the Malabar Manual is this sentence:

And on the 20ᵗʰ confirmation of the fact was received from Calicut, where “200 Brahmans had been seized and confined, made Mussulmen, and forced to eat beef and other things contrary to their caste.”

This was the experience of some Brahmins. It seems foolish that other castes, who kept various communities as enslaved subordinates, portray this experience as their own ancestral suffering.

Furthermore, the descendants of these Brahmins who faced this ordeal now show loyalty to Islam. They, who should rightfully express resentment for their ancestors’ painful experiences, do not. They are the ones who should speak against Islam, yet they do not.

Some Ambalavasis and Nairs, voluntary followers of the Hindus, also faced similar experiences. Yet, even when given the chance later, they did not abandon Islam.

In South Malabar, many from communities like the Cherumars to the Makkathaya Thiyyas voluntarily converted to Islam.

It is unclear whether Ezhavas in Travancore similarly converted to Islam. It seems the Muslims there are referred to as Methanmars. The term Mappila in Travancore appears to denote Syrian Christians.

The communal enmity between those defined as Hindus today and Muslims is matched by equally intense conflicts among the various communities labelled as Hindus, in many places. Clear evidence of this has reached this writer’s email, too severe to disclose here.

However, if any political party stokes this hatred, such conflicts could erupt on the streets.

Readers may recall that the Malabar Manual suggests Muslims in Nadapuram, Calicut district, may have Nair ancestry.

The historical backdrop to the communal conflict between Nadapuram’s Muslims and the Thiyya labouring class there must be traced to the relationship between the Nairs of old and their semi-enslaved Thiyya labourers.

The contempt and disgust that Nairs held toward their subordinate Thiyyas, and sometimes toward Ezhava migrant labourers who worked alongside Thiyyas, may have persisted unchanged even after these Nairs converted to Islam.

That is one side of the story.

On the other side, lower-class communities converted to Islam, which is a complete reversal. These were not high-class communities but lower ones.

The reality is that, upon converting to Islam, the sense of inferiority in their mindset and behaviour was not erased. At the same time, Islam granted them significant social mobility, personal strength, and collective power.

Though higher-class Muslims may maintain a distinct status through invisible codes, what Hindus (Brahmins) perceive is only their Islamic identity.

When interacting socially, Hindus (Brahmins) and other communities claiming Hindu identity may find the behaviour and audacity of these lower-class Muslims intolerable.

When given freedom, lower classes may first define their traditional overlords with terms like nee (lowest you), avan (lowest he), or aval (lowest she).

Hindus may perceive Muslims as a crude, uncivilised group.

In reality, these Muslims were once part of the same communities now labelled as Hindus. Their crude behaviours and attitudes have simply been taken up by Islam as a burden.

Experiencing their crude expressions, disfigured speech, and behaviour, people may develop a deep personal aversion to Islam itself, attributing these traits to all Muslim communities.

This is a significant issue. The enmity toward Kashmiri Muslims may stem from extrapolating resentment toward local Muslim individuals or communities.

However, there may be no historical connection between Kashmiri Muslims and Malabar’s Mappilas. English officials attest that the social experiences of Kashmiri Muslims under Brahmin Pandits were as harsh as those of Malabar’s lower classes under Nambuthiris.

In that sense, shouldn’t Malabar’s lower classes support Kashmir’s historical lower classes?

What’s the point of saying this? The enslaved communities celebrate Onam, once an occasion to express servitude at their landlord’s house, as a grand festival today!

Even if pristine-Arabic communities spread Islam anywhere in the world, they may only create new hatreds within the feudal linguistic social structures of those regions.

The most entrenched flaw in such regions lies in their linguistic codes. No social reform is possible without addressing this issue.

Next, regarding allegations that Hindu temples were demolished to build Islamic mosques, this writer lacks evidence to outright deny such claims.

However, consider this quotation from the Malabar Manual:

How the Muhammadans came to adopt this same style for their mosques is perhaps to be accounted for by the tradition, which asserts that some at least of the nine original mosques were built on the sites of temples, and that the temple endowments in land were made over with the temples for the maintenance of the mosque.

That pertains to earlier times. During Hyder Ali and Tipu’s era, when Hindus, Ambalavasis, and Nairs converted to Islam, they may have similarly repurposed their places of worship.

It is understood that temples were attacked during Hyder Ali and Tipu’s invasions. However, those temples likely continued as temples afterward.

Mahmud of Ghazni, an Afghan ruler, is infamous for looting Brahmin (Hindu) temples. Generally, though, over centuries, few in South Asia attacked, seized, or plundered the wealth of Brahmin temples, with some exceptions (e.g., the Portuguese looted some temples).

The decline of Brahmin temples began with the formation of the Indian state. The government seized most temples, entrusted their management to non-Brahmins, and asserted control over their wealth. Looking back or forward 5000 years, it was the Indian administration alone that seized Brahmin temples and their assets.

When the Kerala government lacks funds to pay salaries and pensions, what guarantee is there that the Padmanabhaswamy temple treasury in Travancore won’t be opened? The Indian government had no qualms about using military force to seize Travancore itself, let alone its temple.

Given all this, what purpose does it serve to quote Quranic verses or vilify the Prophet?

Now, returning to the path of this writing.

[VED]

I am about to conclude the discussion on the Nairs, but a couple more points need to be added.

Firstly, when the English Company merged South Malabar and North Malabar to establish the Malabar district and introduced written legal systems, the Nairs, along with the Ambalavasis and Hindus above them, likely faced various social obstacles.

The Nambuthiris, akin to modern-day IAS officers, and royal families, comparable to IPS officers, lost their authority at the highest levels. This is not akin to anything seen in the English context.

The lower communities, long defined by terms like inhi (lowest you), on (lowest he), olu (lowest she), ale (lowest him/her), ane (lowest them), or aittingal (lowest them), no longer had to address or refer to their superiors with subservient language under the new legal framework. This was a monumental shift.

In today’s Indian schools, if students do not stand when a teacher enters the classroom, it can cause significant distress to the teacher’s state of mind. If students further address the teacher with terms like nee (lowest you), avan (lowest he), or just their name, the school system would collapse. Teachers might even slip into what is foolishly termed schizophrenia in modern pseudo-science.

The most alarming situation was that when lower-class individuals behaved without subservience, there was no system or mechanism under the English administration to address this. Before English rule, if someone used non-submissive language, Nairs had the authority to tie them up, beat them, and break their bones.

Even with new laws, wealth, property, and the ability to organise, travel, and access courts remained in the hands of Nairs and those above them. This gave them leverage to use the legal system, which itself surprised the English administration.

Merely writing laws does not bring social reform. This will be addressed further when discussing the lower classes.

When the English administration enacted laws, they clashed with the traditional powers of dominance held by the Nairs. Ordinarily, if a Nair injured or killed a lower-class individual, there was no mechanism anywhere to treat it as a police case.

Moreover, in each petty kingdom, royal families had the authority to kill anyone, nail them to a tree trunk, or otherwise punish them.

In Malabar, as petty kingdoms began surrendering their territories to the English Company, largely due to the defeat of Mysore rulers who had controlled the region, there is another clear reason for this transition, which we won’t delve into now.

These petty kingdoms, almost with great joy, handed over their territories to the English Company, accepted a pension (malikhana), and began living peacefully without internal conflicts. It was then that they realised they could no longer kill people as they once did.

This issue also troubled English Company officials.

Nairs and royal families held significant social and traditional powers in these regions. Could English laws overcome these?

In Kottayam, near Tellicherry, issues arose early with Pazhassi Raja, a member of the Kottayam royal family but not the king by succession.

In at least two documented incidents, Pazhassi Raja had some Mappilas killed. This was not due to communal enmity as seen today but likely for defying social customs.

Prior to this, when Pazhassi Raja demolished a Mappila mosque in Kottayam’s bazaar, English Company officials did not intervene, as it could have escalated into unnecessary conflict.

Quote from Malabar Manual:

The Palassi (Pychy) Raja had already, in April 1793, been guilty of the exercise of one act of arbitrary authority in pulling down a Mappilla mosque erected in the bazaar of Kottayam. The Joint Commissioners took no notice of the act, although it was in direct opposition to the conditions of the engagement made with the Kurumbranad Raja for the Kottayam district.

The Mappilas referred to here are likely not from elite families. It is understood that higher-class Mappilas lived distinctly.

After these incidents, when Pazhassi Raja had more Mappilas killed, the English Company had to raise legal concerns but took no strong action.

from Malabar Manual:
They (The English Company) contented themselves with a mild remonstrance addressed to the Kurumbranad Raja and with the despatch of troops to Kodolli and Palassi.

However, the arrival of Company troops in Palassi greatly surprised Pazhassi Raja.

Quote from Malabar Manual:

He further in his reply expressed surprise at his not being “allowed to follow and be guided by our ancient customs” in the slaughter of erring Mappillas.

It is crucial to note that Pazhassi Raja does not represent the many communities claiming to be Hindus today.

In the early days of English rule, several royal families in North and South Malabar, acting on their traditional authority, committed acts of killing.

However, when the English administration pursued these culprits, many fled, escaped to other regions, and worked against English rule. Some of these individuals seem to have been lionised as great heroes in the romanticised history of India’s freedom struggle.

In rural areas, Nair authorities would seize lower-caste individuals behaving disrespectfully, tie them up in isolated huts, and beat them to break their bones. When the English administration asked why such harsh punishments were meted out, the response was often, “He used abusive words.”

It seems the English administration never fully understood what these “abusive words” were.

In the early days, the English administration governed through these authoritative families.

For ages, regardless of who conquered a region, local governance in villages and towns was managed by these families. Replacing them with a new administrative system was not easily achievable for anyone.

[VED]

I am concluding the discussion on the Nairs. Only a few points remain in my mind.

During the Mysore invasions, many from the Cherumars to the Makkathaya Thiyyas in South Malabar converted to Islam. The English administration followed soon after these invasions. Consequently, the traditional upper classes could not punish, nail to trees, or kill those lower classes who converted to Islam.

However, the long-standing social hierarchy likely collapsed on a large scale.

Imagine a scenario akin to the Indian military hierarchy, where individuals, defined by feudal language codes, shift from their traditional roles, leap upward, push aside or degrade those above them. Picture a sepoy’s household servant addressing a Brigadier, Colonel, or Lieutenant Colonel and their families by their first names or with terms like inhi (lowest you), on (lowest he), or olu (lowest she). This reflects the upheaval.

It seems the social conditions in South Malabar transformed into something similar. The English likely failed to grasp the severity of this chaos, primarily because such invisible, oppressive coding does not exist in the English language.

On one side were the traditional elites—bound by aristocracy, lineage prestige, spiritual grandeur, vast land ownership, and the calming presence of obedient subordinates, with their gentle conversational norms, confined within a fenced hierarchy. On the other side were the lower-class individuals who, having converted to Islam, leapt into social freedom.

These lower-class groups faced no aristocratic barriers. They could engage in any trade, drive bullock carts, own cows and livestock, run vegetable markets, participate in the copra trade, eat beef, and, though owning little land, had cash in hand.

A mild unease prevailed in society. Meanwhile, elite Muslim families, carrying old aristocratic legacies and vast landholdings, were likely also in confusion.

The series of events known as the Mappila Rebellion, which began on a small scale in South Malabar around 1836, will be addressed later.

Consider this quotation from the Malabar Manual:

On the 26th November 1836 Kallingal Kunyolan of Manjeri amsam, Pandalur desam in Ernad taluk, stabbed one Chakku Panikkar of the Kanisan (astrologer) caste, who subsequently died of his wounds.

This may have marked the start of the Mappila Rebellion.

Setting aside the new social garb of Islam, the attacker was from the traditional enslaved Hindu communities, while the victim belonged to a group aligned with Hindus, showing loyalty and subservience, but not a Brahmin—thus, not a Hindu.

Ordinarily, when lower classes, adopting shamanistic rituals, attack those supporting Hindus, Hindus know how to respond. Skilled in combat, Nairs would organise, drag the offender from their hut, and hack them to pieces. If needed, they might set the hut ablaze at night, burning its sleeping occupants alive.

Edgar Thurston documented instances in the Madras Presidency where upper classes burned lower classes to ashes. When the English Company’s police tried to apprehend culprits, not a single witness would appear in court, and the guilty often went unpunished.

In South Malabar, the English administration was likely in great confusion. Police had to apprehend attackers, or the legal system would lose all credibility.

The English likely never understood the real reasons behind attacks carried out under the banner of Islam.

Most police appointed by the English were Nairs. These police had to arrest individuals from the Nairs’ traditional enslaved communities. Such actions triggered explosive linguistic code shifts in the mind, which the English completely failed to comprehend.

We won’t delve into the depths of the Mappila Rebellion now.

However, similar social explosions likely occurred across South Asia where English rule was established, as social norms and regimentation were upended, much like ranks in the Indian military being overturned.

Today, Indian academic historians may label such events as freedom struggles against English rule. One can even pass IAS exams by studying and writing such nonsensical histories.

In Travancore, the English Company directly controlled two regions. This presence, along with the London Missionary Society’s activities, sparked social explosions. However, Travancore was still ruled by its royal family.

It seems the Shudra (Nair) communities in Travancore brutally suppressed lower classes who took to the streets for social freedom. Whether clear records of these events exist today is unknown.

Meanwhile, in South Malabar, social elites tried to make the English administration handle such suppression. The English meticulously documented every action, police procedure, and court proceeding.

These records are a treasure trove for Indian academic historians, who cherry-pick minor details to claim the English did this or that. However, they lack understanding of the real social context behind these events or pretend ignorance if they do know.

A key point is that many lower-class individuals who converted to Islam likely shed their traditional subservient identity within one or two generations—roughly 24 years (12 x 2). Some of these individuals attacked Hindus and their loyalists.

The English police, mostly Nairs, found it astonishing that a small group of surrounded Mappila culprits refused to surrender. The English attributed this to sheer courage and religious zeal.

What they failed to grasp was that these Mappilas were expected to surrender to Nairs.

The English did not comprehend the profound terror of Nairs addressing even high-status individuals as nee (lowest you) or eda (pejorative you) and interrogating them with enthada (what’s that, you?).

Even today in Kashmir, the secret behind freedom fighters choosing death over surrender to the Indian army may not lie solely in religious zeal demanding martyrdom. Rather, it may stem from knowing they would be reduced to tu (lowest you) in the hands of Indian sepoys.

Linguistic studies reveal that being addressed as nee or tu by a sepoy-level individual guarantees abuse.

In South Malabar, Mappila attackers, in isolated incidents, targeted Hindus, their allied Ambalavasis, and Nairs, not the English administration. However, the Hindu side cunningly entangled the English in these social conflicts, gradually redirecting their enmity toward the English administration.

This was a potent war strategy. The English have been fooled by this tactic multiple times worldwide. When two local kingdoms fight, one drags an English nation into the conflict, turning the fight against the English. This can persist for ages.

Whether this strategy is discussed in the foolish academic fields of Political Science & International Relations is unknown.

One final point remains on this topic.

As mentioned, the Nair identity was a social and official status sustained over centuries.

Thus, various communities likely assumed the Nair status.

Today, the Nair status is comparable to government service roles, from police constables to higher ranks, and other department positions like LD Clerk, UD Clerk, Junior Superintendent, and Senior Superintendent.

Hence, modern Nairs may have little connection beyond a certain point to the traditional Nair communities, as the Nair identity was a formal socio-official status. Losing that status erased the Nair identity. Thus, today’s Nairs are not traditional Nairs.

The Nair topic is now concluded.


Regarding the movie song provided above:

The scene is from a film where a filmmaker from Travancore, with great showmanship, depicted Malabar’s Nair social figures as heroic epic characters, as described in the folksongs of Malabar’s lower-class agricultural labourers. Like India’s freedom struggle narrative, this is purely romanticised fiction. However, it is immensely enjoyable to watch and listen to for its emotional resonance.

[VED]

The narrative has been exploring the social atmosphere that Mr. Govindan, born and raised in Tellicherry, witnessed and experienced in his surroundings, as well as in North and South Malabar. Govindan belonged to the Marumakkathaya Thiyya community, known in those times as the "Thiyyas of Tellicherry."

With the advent of English rule in North and South Malabar, unprecedented changes began to reshape society, unlike anything recorded in its history.

The long-standing, meticulously structured social order was turned upside down. Malabar district, part of the Madras Presidency, had little connection with the common people of Travancore. However, individuals from communities like Nambuthiris, royal families, Ambalavasis, and Nairs likely maintained ties with Travancore.

People from Travancore migrated to Malabar, some fleeing, others settling, and some arriving through other means. It seems likely that many Syrian Christians from Travancore came to Malabar to join the English administration or pursue professions like law. In Travancore, Syrian Christians rarely secured government jobs, but in British Malabar, they faced no such restrictions.

In Travancore, enslaved communities like Pariyans, Pulayars, and even the relatively higher Ezhavas, along with women from elite groups like Nairs, Ambalavasis, and Nambuthiris, joined a new Christian sect influenced by organizations like the London Missionary Society.

These converts lived as a distinct Christian community but remained socially enslaved in Travancore. Many quietly migrated to Malabar’s forested regions, clearing land for agriculture. This migration likely caused significant distress for Malabar’s forest-dwelling tribes, particularly their women.

In Malabar’s forests, animals like deer, rabbits, tigers, wild boars, black monkeys, and porcupines were relentlessly hunted.

Migrants from Travancore dismissed the local Malabar language as inferior, promoting a newly crafted Malayalam instead.

Travancore’s rulers may have tried to propagate the idea of "India" as a nation in Malabar. If they believed themselves citizens of India, Malabar was part of their nation.

In Malabar, especially South Malabar, many lower-class individuals converted to Islam, gaining social freedom and upward mobility. This likely sparked envy and resentment toward their former caste superiors.

Conversely, their former overlords likely developed contempt and hostility toward them. Simultaneously, those who converted to Islam may have seen their newfound freedom from feudal shackles as an opportunity to settle scores with their former masters.

Under Islam’s banner and protection, they attacked those claiming wealth, aristocracy, and grand heritage. To counter this, the opposing side cleverly deployed English law-and-order mechanisms.

In many parts of Malabar, elite communities were coerced into converting to Islam, likely influencing the overall social mindset of the Mappilas.

In some areas, elite families and even some Thiyyas pursued high-level English education.

Consider this: individuals born into Thiyya laborer families, who traditionally worked under the scorching sun with a dry cloth around their waist, a cap on their head, and a broom in hand, began reading works by classical English authors like Charles Dickens, Sir Walter Scott, Thomas Carlyle, and Robert Louis Stevenson.

Imagine another transformation: the children of those who once sat in tattered clothes in the underbrush near festival grounds, drinking arrack and wiping their lips with stained hands, now donning three-piece suits, sipping Royal Salute 62 Gun Salute whisky in the dim yellow light of five-star lounges.

Yet, the intoxication these individuals gained from English was not alcohol but the unadulterated experience of reading literary giants.

Their presence likely caused unease among their own communities and surrounding society. The English language may have instilled a mindset unbound by social constraints, creating ripples of concern.

To counter this, local elites, landlords, and caste leaders secured English education grants to establish regional language schools, aiming to steer the younger generation back into the coded subservience of local traditions. These individuals were later celebrated as great social reformers and humanitarians.

As North and South Malabar merged into one district, Nair sub-groups, bearing the same name but claiming differing status, came face-to-face. This likely disadvantaged North Malabar Nairs, who had long claimed relative superiority.

Similarly, a parallel situation arose among the Thiyya communities of both regions. North Malabar’s Marumakkathaya Thiyyas faced issues, as they had historically distinguished themselves from Makkathaya Thiyyas.

At the same time, Ezhavas fleeing Travancore to Malabar altered the social landscape. Elite Marumakkathaya Thiyya families distanced themselves from these newcomers, as did Thiyya laborers initially. For Travancore’s enslaved Ezhavas, the Thiyya identity in British Malabar was highly appealing.

Consequently, Travancore’s Ezhava activists assumed Thiyya leadership roles and established an Ezhava temple for Brahmin deities in Tellicherry. This was likely a widespread phenomenon in British-administered South Asia, where non-Brahmin communities pushed into Brahmin religion, appropriating its traditions.

In North Malabar, many Thiyyas abandoned their shamanistic rituals, gravitating toward Brahmin deity worship.

It seems Travancore’s Ezhavas believed they were the same as Thiyyas.

In Tellicherry and elsewhere, some socially marginalized Thiyya women entered familial ties with English individuals, raising their children in English. These children later passed exams like the ICS, joining the upper echelons of British-Indian administration, further disrupting traditional social foundations.

Not only elites but also many Thiyyas rose to high-ranking positions. In Malabar’s taluks, Thiyyas and Mappilas often served as tahsildars.

Across British India, various groups claimed Brahmin spiritual heritage, promoting it to establish or attempt leadership in movements.

Anyone could become a leader—no royal lineage required!

With the establishment of the British-Indian Railway, Malabar’s people began realizing they were citizens of a vast nation.

Moreover, unified under one framework were English-speaking institutions like the Imperial Civil Service, British-Indian Police, Indian Penal Code (IPC), British-Indian Judiciary, and Post & Telegraph systems.

Meanwhile, native states, mimicking British-Indian systems but remaining independent, confined their people within their borders.

Many in these states desperately yearned to access British-Indian opportunities.

Several independent states aligned with British India built their own railways, connecting to the British-Indian network.

Yielding to Travancore’s persistent demands, the Madras government built a modest railway line via Shencottah (Ariyamkavu) to Madras, enabling Travancore’s royals and elite officials to interact closely with British-India and Malabar’s high-ranking officials.

This caused minor issues.

When Thiyya deputy collectors from British Malabar stood alongside Travancore’s elite officials at gatherings in Madras, the latter likely faced discomfort. Travancore’s Ezhava activists had publicly claimed Thiyyas were Ezhavas. For Travancore’s officials and royals, it was astonishing and distasteful to see someone from an enslaved community in a high-ranking position.

[VED]

While Malabar’s Muslim community is commonly referred to as Mappilas, it is understood that they encompass diverse heritages. Today’s Mappilas likely carry a mix of varied ancestral bloodlines from these different backgrounds.

However, elite Malabar Muslims, who maintained pure Arabian lineage, may not necessarily identify as Mappilas. Similarly, it seems that Muslims from the Mukkuva community may not always be considered Malabari Muslims. This is not entirely clear.

It has already been mentioned that during the Mysore invasions, some Hindus (Brahmins), Ambalavasis, and Nairs converted to Islam. Additionally, many from lower-class communities in South Malabar also embraced Islam.

Centuries earlier, it is said that Malik ibn Dinar, a Persian who came to Malabar, converted many to Islam. These converts were likely Hindus (Brahmins) of that time.

It is unclear whether Ambalavasis and Nairs, who were subordinates of Hindus, converted during that period. The question arises: would Hindus allow their subordinates to join their new religion? The thought is whether socially elite individuals would permit their lower-class subordinates to convert, thereby risking their own social stability. The point here is that this writer has no concrete knowledge of these matters at this moment.

A thought emerges:

Foreigners who came to Malabar to spread Islam likely had little understanding of the region’s linguistic codes and the personal animosities, dislikes, and disgust they evoked. These foreigners were typically received with great respect, so they may not have realized that a covertly hostile social communication environment existed.

This ignorance may have led them to act indiscriminately, which local elite communities might have perceived as problematic. The conversion of lower-class individuals to Islam and granting them the same status as Brahmin converts could have been contentious.

This is because religious conversion cannot erase the ingrained malice of feudal linguistic codes.

Initially, Nairs likely had no significant grievances when their Brahmin overlords converted to Islam, as Nairs were not part of the Brahmin religion.

However, when Nairs interacted with their newly converted Nambuthiri Muslim overlords and observed lower-class individuals behaving with elevated social status, it undoubtedly caused alarm and resentment.

Even if Nambuthiri landlord families converted to Islam, they remained landlords. Similarly, lower-class laborers and enslaved communities, upon converting to Islam and shedding their subservient status, remained manual laborers.

If Islam treated both groups as equals, it would provoke resentment not only among Nairs, Ambalavasis, and Nambuthiris but also among lower-class communities. This is because feudal linguistic codes position these groups 180 degrees apart.

When a lower-class Mappila flaunts the status of an elite Muslim, it breeds societal resentment. Yet, articulating the precise reason for this resentment is challenging.

Illustrating the Nairs’ unease is difficult, but consider this analogy:

Suppose a few IPS officers convert to a new religion. Their subordinate police constables would likely have no objections.

However, when these constables visit the new religion’s spaces, they see street auto drivers working alongside IPS officers on shared initiatives. The auto drivers, referencing their elite connections, speak casually to the constables. Meanwhile, the constables must salute and stand obediently before the IPS officers.

In a flat-coded language environment like English, the intensity of this scene is hard to grasp.

The above scenario is a potent factor that fueled communal resentment toward Islam across centuries in this peninsula. Other factors may also have contributed.

[VED]

Let us return to the flow of the narrative.

During the English rule, Brahmin and royal families who converted to Islam likely existed in both North and South Malabar.

However, even higher in status were Muslim families carrying pure Arab blood, as documented in the Malabar Manual. These families likely stood apart from other Malabar Muslim communities in many ways.

They probably did not foster communal resentment among other groups or communities. It seems that the Thangal families of North and South Malabar belonged to this group.

Generally, they may have carried an attitude of not identifying as Mappilas.

This creates a slight complication, it seems.

A story heard from CPS: In the 1950s, while working as a Sub-Registrar in Malabar district, Madras State, CPS met another young, directly recruited Sub-Registrar, a Malabari Muslim. During a conversation with a woman from the prominent Keyi family in Tellicherry, CPS naively asked if the Muslim Sub-Registrar was her relative.

The woman reacted with great displeasure, saying, “No, he’s a Mappila!”

When CPS asked, “Aren’t you a Mappila too?” she replied with even more irritation, “No, we are not Mappilas. We are Keyis!” It’s unclear whether the Keyi family was rooted in pure Arab lineage or connected to the Arakkal family of Cannanore.

In his youth, CPS often noticed young Muslim men in Tellicherry town with distinct physical traits—fair skin, tall, upright stature, and commanding personalities. CPS had no clear information about their lineage, but he recalled an area in Tellicherry where only wealthy Muslim families lived, which he and his peers viewed with a mix of awe and apprehension, possibly during his school days. CPS believed these families were likely involved in large-scale export-import businesses.

It’s unknown whether CPS later learned more about these affluent Muslim families, but they lived in sprawling homes, often on plots larger than half an acre, with multiple chambers. Each chamber likely housed a wife, husband, and children, allowing private family life.

In a way, these families may have resembled Brahmin communities living in agraharas.

Inspired by the Prophet Muhammad’s persona and adhering to the egalitarian linguistic codes of pristine Arabic, these foreigners came to Malabar, converting various communities trapped in feudal linguistic codes without discrimination. As these noble foreigners gradually realized the complexities of local social communication, they may have sensed something amiss.

Brahmins, Ambalavasis, and Nairs engaged in ingal-inhi (you-lowest you) verbal tussles among themselves. Below them were elite Marumakkathaya Thiyya families, aligned with Nairs, and Thiyya laborers they distanced themselves from. Further below were numerous lower-class communities in multiple layers.

These groups were entangled in ingal-inhi linguistic codes, clashing, twisting, and teetering, often swaying unsteadily.

Many from these groups converted to Islam. Despite spiritual teachings attempting to transform them, the shadows and tensions of local feudal language persisted.

This likely caused unease among elite Arab families in Malabar, a plausible scenario.

For Arab families who settled in Malabar, ties to their homeland likely faded within a single generation. Their future lay in navigating Malabar’s social environment, partially blending in while remaining distinct.

Linguistic issues may have troubled some. Could this explain the Thangal families’ admonition that Mappilas should not address them or their youth with terms like inhi, on, or olu?

If a young Englishman in Malabar were taught the local language and addressed as inhi, on, or olu by lower-class locals, his refined mental state would likely erode or tear apart. A similar effect may have impacted these Arab families.

Yet, with each generation, things change.

As local Muslim communities rose economically and Arab families struggled to maintain their financial dominance, such admonitions may have caused them significant mental distress.

Imagine an IPS officer stripped of authority, living among police constables. If a decree required them to salute and show subservience to these constables—who address them by name—it would cause immense embarrassment. The constables’ casual familiarity would be the source.

When an elite individual shows egalitarian warmth to a lower-class person, feudal languages can trigger cascading consequences. The lower-class individual clings tightly, as the connection to the elite offers a sense of elevation, fulfillment, and joy.

If the elite tries to loosen this grip, the lower-class person perceives it as sheer villainy. This is one of the emotional manipulations feudal languages implant in the human psyche.

Moreover, no matter how high the walls, a fleeting lock of eyes with someone kept at a distance is enough to transfer the social atmosphere from one side to the other. This may feel repulsive to one side and exhilarating to the other—a phenomenon to be added to the list of feudal language traits.

Thus, agraharas alone were insufficient; veils and sieved paper before the eyes were necessary.

The term “Mappila” now warrants examination, perhaps in the next piece.

[VED]

In the 1970s, while visiting Alleppey in Travancore, I learned that the term “Mappila” referred to Christians, specifically Syrian Christians, in that region. This seemed significant, though I also noticed many words in Travancore’s language differed starkly from Malabar’s.

It felt like stepping into another state. However, since Malabar was merged with Travancore in 1956, some similarities likely emerged within a decade or two.

Around 1979–82, while studying in Trivandrum, I heard a Christian explain the historical meaning of “Mappila.” He said that when the great (maha) Pillais—high-ranking officials in Travancore’s administration—converted to Christianity, their title “Maha Pillai” transformed into “Mappila.” The term “Pillai” is a status name among Nairs, sometimes used for their children.

In Malabar, I once heard of a new title, “Head,” used for a Head Constable in the police. In rural areas, this “Head” likely carried immense social prestige. The Nair Pillais’ case may be similar.

Years later, around 2013, a Mappila in Malabar shared a similar account. He said that long ago, when Malabar’s Maha Pillais converted to Islam, they became Mappilas.

A related claim appears in a brief note in the Malabar Manual:

QUOTE from Malabar Manual:

The word Mappilla is a contraction of Maha (great) and pilla (child, honorary title, as among Nayars in Travancore), and it was probably a title of honour conferred on the early Muhammadan immigrants, or possibly on the still earlier Christian immigrants, who are also down to the present day, called Mappillas.

The Muhammadans are usually called Jonaka or Chonaka Mappillas to distinguish them from the Christian Mappillas, who are called Nasrani Mappillas.

Jonaka or Chonaka is believed to stand for Yavanaka = Ionian — Greek. In the Payyanur pat, or earliest Malayali poem, some of the sailors are called chonavar.

Nasrani is of course Nazarene; the term is applied to Syrian or Syrio-Roman Christians.

Much could be said about these terms. Some claims may be half-true, others nonsensical, and some accurate. I won’t delve into that now.

In this feudal linguistic landscape, people value words that establish social or ethnic connections. The Malabar Manual often emphasizes Nairs as Malabar’s elite, a bias to keep in mind when interpreting its claims.

Recently, a prominent scholar wrote in a national outlet, in grandiose language, that Syrian Christians are Brahmins who converted to Christianity—a foolish assertion. This appeared in a piece criticizing Syrian Christians and Christian missionaries.

In reality, Syrian Christians are not converted Brahmins but immigrants who arrived in Travancore from across the sea. They relish being called Brahmins when attacked, transforming into Brahmins in such contexts—an amusing tactic.

Elsewhere, I’ve seen claims that lower-class Christians who migrated to Malabar are Syrian Christians. If so, Malabar’s lower-class Christians could be deemed Brahmins, since the scholar’s article “proved” Syrian Christians are Brahmins.

This is how history is written. The joy of claiming descent from Vedic or Puranic Hindu culture transcends religious divides. Everyone becomes Brahmin and content.

Syrian Christians have no connection to the London Missionary Society, despite the scholar’s misleading suggestion.

Similarly, Malabar’s Muslims are not Brahmins. Mappilas born from Arab laborers marrying locals along Malabar’s coast are not Brahmins. Nor are South Malabar’s lower-class Mappilas, who gained social freedom through Islam.

Some elite Malabar communities coerced into Islam may include Nairs, who likely became prominent Mappila landlord families.

It’s unclear whether the elite communities converted by Malik ibn Dinar centuries ago identified as Mappilas.

Pure Arab Muslims from Arabia likely did not identify as Mappilas either.

Next, I’ll discuss the Arakkal family of Cannanore and Muslims in North Malabar’s Tellicherry, Cannanore, and Neeleshwaram, based on limited knowledge, in the upcoming piece.

[VED]

Readers should note that this writer has very limited knowledge on this subject. The following is based solely on hearsay and a few passages from the Malabar Manual. There may be additional details beyond this that the writer is unaware of.

In British Malabar, another Muslim group was the Arakkal family of Cannanore, referred to as “Arakkal Rajas” or “Ali Rajas” in English sources. This family, along with associated communities, held prominence. The matriarch of the family, akin to a tharavadu head, was known as the “Arakkal Beevi,” a title that persisted for centuries.

The prominence of the Beevi’s name is noteworthy. However, it seems that male family members made administrative decisions and implemented plans behind the scenes, both within the family and in territories under their control.

One might wonder why the Beevi’s name was foregrounded. A possible reason is a popular story that the family originated when a young woman from Cannanore’s traditional royal family married a Muslim man. This royal lineage likely lent the Muslim family a degree of social prestige. The historical accuracy of this narrative is unclear, and this is acknowledged here.

QUOTE from Malabar Manual:

Cheraman Perumal, the text goes on to say, encouraged merchants and invited Jonaka Mappillas (Muhammadans) to the country. In particular he invited a Muhammadan and his wife to come from his native land of Aryapuram and installed them at Kannanur (Cannanore). The Muhammadan was called Ali Raja, that is, lord of the deep, or of the sea.

This passage raises several points for discussion.

First, the term “Jonaka Mappila.” Recall that “Jonaka” is believed to mean “Greek.” This suggests that some Mappilas in North Malabar may have had Yavana (Greek) ancestry. Fair-skinned Mappilas (Malabari Muslims) have been observed in Tellicherry, Cannanore, and northward, some of whom may trace their heritage to Yavana lineage.

This brings another point to mind. In the 1980s, a research scholar claimed North Malabar Thiyyas originated from Greece, published in Malayalam newspapers under the headline: “Ezhavas came from Greece.” How a claim about Thiyyas became about Ezhavas is worth pondering.

Some Thiyyas in Cannanore and nearby areas may indeed have Yavana ancestry, as fair-skinned Thiyyas have been noted there.

Next, the term “Ali Raja.” The Malabar Manual states it means “lord of the deep.” How “Ali” translates to “deep” (azhi in Malayalam) is a question. In texts like the Malabar Manual, the Malayalam sound “zhi” is often transliterated as “li” in English. Thus, azhi may have been written as “Ali.” The sound “aa” is ideally “Aa” in English but often simplified to “A.” For example, aaradhana is written as “Aradhana.” Hence, “Ali Raja” may originally have been Azhi Raja (lord of the sea), a speculative thought.

It seems Greek Muslims (Jonaka) settled in North Malabar. Other Greek religious groups may have arrived too, possibly as couples, but more likely as men. These Greek men likely married women from various North Malabar communities. Consider: landless foreign men marrying women from propertied families, residing in their wives’ homes. Family property remained with the wife’s lineage, controlled by her family. This could be an origin of the Marumakkathaya (matrilineal) system.

This raises a question: could the Marumakkathaya system among North Malabar’s Nairs and Thiyyas trace back to foreign men marrying into local families of varying status? Fair-skinned Thiyyas may indeed carry such heritage. Some sources link Marumakkathaya Thiyyas to a specific region in Greece, though the truth is uncertain.

To avoid digression, I won’t delve further into this.

Regarding fair-skinned Muslims in Tellicherry, Cannanore, and nearby areas, their family systems are worth noting. They followed Marumakkathaya traditions. The groom or husband, referred to as puthiyappla (possibly “new Mappila”), lived in the wife’s home post-marriage. The bride’s father addressed the groom as ingal (a respectful “you”), unlike the common North Malabar Mappila practice of using inhi (lowest “you”). This respectful address may reflect efforts to preserve the dignity of foreign ancestors who married into local families. (Note: other Mappilas and Muslim communities in Malabar typically follow Makkathaya, or patrilineal, systems.)

Such linguistic practices are unlikely to persist today due to factors like Travancore-influenced regional language education and Malayalam cinema, as well as intermarriage among Muslims blending bloodlines. Cultural shifts often accompany such blending, reflected in linguistic codes.

The imposed Malayalam language is reshaping everyone.

One more point about “Mappila” feels worth mentioning, perhaps in the next piece.

Returning to the Arakkal family of Cannanore: it’s unclear how closely North Malabar’s Muslims in Tellicherry, Cannanore, and elsewhere were related to them by blood.

Though the Arakkal family had limited authority in Cannanore town, they held sway over some Laccadive Islands. During British rule, the Malabar Manual notes that the islanders rebelled against Arakkal authority due to oppressive conduct by their officials.

QUOTE from Malabar Manual:

This form of patriarchal administration was suited to the rude state of society on the islands, but corruption and its concomitant baneful influences were rampant, and goaded the islanders into open rebellion and resistance of the Cannanore authority.

The Malabar Manual offers two possible explanations for how the Laccadive Islands came under Arakkal control:

QUOTE:

The islanders state that it was surrendered by them to the Cannanore house on condition of protection being afforded to them against the Kottakkal Kunyali Marakkars, the famous Malayali pirates, who used to harry the island periodically.

QUOTE:

About 1550, the Kolattiri Raja, who no doubt found the islands to be, after the advent of the Portuguese, an irksome possession, conferred them, it is said in Jagir, with the title of Ali Raja (Raja of the deep or sea), on the head of the Cannanore family...

The Dharmadam Island near Tellicherry may also have occasionally come under Arakkal control.

The Arakkal family appears distinctly different from other Mappilas.

[VED]

What follows is about another group of Mappilas.

Individuals of Arab descent, working on Arab trading dhows and sailing ships, likely married lower-caste women and others along the Malabar coast, raising children in modest, habitable huts. From these children, another Mappila lineage may have emerged. Since these Arabs were sailors and crew members, it seems unlikely they married women from Malabar’s higher castes.

These Arabs probably had separate families, wives, and children both on the Malabar coast and in Arabian regions. This arrangement likely provided great convenience and mental stimulation for these seafaring Arabs. Their religion, which saw no fault or sin in maintaining multiple families, was likely a significant factor.

(While discussing this, one must not forget the flaws in Malabar’s traditional family systems.)

However, the faint traces of lower-caste origins among these Mappilas may have sparked some antagonism, albeit slight, from Nairs and Ambalavasis.

Moreover, some of the caste-based boundaries traditionally upheld in Malabar may have extended to these Malabar Mappilas.

Consider this quote from the Malabar Manual:

QUOTE 👉 from Malabar Manual:

Zamorin Rajas of Calicut, who, in order to man their navies, directed that one or more male members of the families of Hindu fishermen should be brought up as Muhammadans, and this practice has continued down to modern times.

There are issues with the above quote. The Mukkuvars (fishermen) were likely not Hindus, as they did not belong to the Brahmanical faith and could not participate in Brahmanical worship.

Another question arises: Couldn’t the Calicut Rajas have recruited Mukkuvars for their naval forces without converting them to Islam? The Calicut Rajas were not Mappilas, so why convert Mukkuvars into Mappilas for ship-related work?

Here’s what seems likely:

Maritime trade and related activities in the Calicut kingdom were likely managed by Arabs or those with Arab connections. At the same time, Hindus, Nairs, and others in the Calicut kingdom likely interacted with these Arabs daily.

Tasks like rowing, rigging sails, cleaning ships, cooking, and loading/unloading cargo required manpower for sea voyages. However, taking lower-caste individuals along while maintaining their social status could create problems.

Their lower-caste mindset might negatively affect others. Moreover, there was likely no mechanism for the Arab traders or local elites to control their mental attitudes or delusions.

However, by integrating these individuals into Islam from a young age, educating and training them in Islamic schools, the harshness of their lower-caste mindset could be mitigated. Additionally, through spiritual paths, Arab traders and naval leaders could exert strong control and obedience over them.

I, this writer, once lived among Muslim communities engaged in fishing along the coast. Whether these were Malabar Mappilas is unclear, as their connection was primarily with coastal areas, which stretch along the shoreline, unbound by district or state boundaries.

People travel from Calicut to Kundootti in the same way these communities move from Kollam (near Koyilandy) to Kollam (north of Thiruvananthapuram).

Several distinct characteristics may help identify these communities.

It seems that when these groups were integrated into Islam, Christianity, or other faiths, a division occurred among the Mukkuvar clans. It appears they have their own social leadership to control them socially. The control of other Mappila leaders over them seems limited, though this is not certain.

Another point to note: The term “naval force” should not evoke cinematic images of grand navies. This refers to a region with local rulers who often lacked even basic clothing. One must avoid letting grandiose words create misconceptions or vivid, exaggerated imagery.

Before moving forward, I plan to re-examine the historical context of the word “Mappila.”

Many communities linked to this word have already been mentioned. However, one distinct aspect stands out: the use of this term in the Tamil regions just beyond Malabar and Travancore.



In Tamil, the word Mappila 👆 exists, meaning “groom” or “newlywed” (varan, navavaran).

Many Islamic communities in Malabar carry “Mappila” as their religious identity, as do Syrian Christians in Travancore. Could there be a historical connection with the Tamil usage of “Mappila,” buried in the sands of time?

If such a connection exists, doesn’t it warrant a re-examination of the historical backdrop of the word “Mappila”? This question lingers in my mind.

[VED]

I had not intended to write about the Mappilas now. However, as this topic has come up in the course of writing, it has become necessary to include it at this juncture.

When writing history, it naturally becomes necessary to include details about the Mappilas. Writing about them now has been beneficial, as it has allowed for a detailed account of these communities at a time when defining Malabar’s various groups is essential.

The truth is, history writing has not yet begun. Before starting, I am currently endeavouring to clarify who the history will be about.

Terms like Muhammadans, Mappila, Muslims, and even derogatory terms like kakka or Malappuram kakka, along with titles like Moulavi, Sahib, Thangal, Khan Bahadur, Maulana, Haji, and Rawther, are all intertwined with Malabar’s history. The term methan does not seem to belong to Malabar’s Muhammadans.

In English, the term Moors is used globally to describe historical Muhammadans, but it is a highly complex term. I won’t delve into it here, though it has also been used to describe some of Malabar’s historical Muslims.

When writing about Malabar’s Mappilas, it is impossible to avoid touching on historical events.

When discussing or writing about the Islamic community in general, and Mappilas in particular, there is a sense that many overlook the complexities of their true heritage. They include diverse groups, so broad definitions may not always be accurate. What unites these varied groups is the Islamic faith.

Not only Mappilas but most people grow up knowing only what they see around them, what interested parties tell them, and the often misleading information propagated through newspapers, films, and other media about their heritage and regional history.

There is a tendency to blame the English administration for everything and to interpret even their positive actions through distorted personal biases. The good measures the English administration attempted were explained, analysed, and interpreted by local vested interests.

The prevailing attitude among these groups was that lower-caste communities should not improve. However, these people were not necessarily evil or malicious. Rather, they were aware that if lower-caste groups advanced socially, the social structure would be disrupted, and they and their families would have to deal with the rough behaviours of these communities.

The English alone seemed to lack this distinction.

Returning to the path of writing:

I am familiar with the term Kattu Arabi (Jungle Arab), but I won’t delve into its background here. What is relevant is that the Malabar Manual mentions a term, Jungle Mappillas.
QUOTE 👉:

Moreover, on the outskirts of this lawless tract of country there dwelt a tribe of what were in those days called “jungle” Mappillas, who were banded together under chiefs and who subsisted on the depredations committed on their neighbours.

For someone victimised by such a group, the term Mappila might equate to “bandit.” However, the reality requires a broader understanding.

It is likely that among the various groups living by plundering and attacking their surroundings, some converted to Islam, which provides a clearer and more comprehensive truth.

Among them, the most notorious bandit was reportedly Ilampulassery Unni Moossa Moopan. He lived in a fortress-like house within the jungle, equipped with defensive features and escape routes, accompanied by around a hundred followers.

When the English Company’s administration extended to this region, they demanded that Moopan cease his banditry. In return, the Company offered protection from its military. However, Moopan’s response was that the Company must provide a pension for him and his followers to survive, as they had no other means of livelihood.

Another issue tied to the Mappilas in this region confronted the English Company. The local king’s officials imposed extortionate taxes and harsh treatment on Mappila farmers, causing many to struggle for survival.

These officials demanded military assistance from English officers to enforce tax collection, which the English found intolerable. The local officials used cunning tactics to influence the English military officers.

QUOTE 👉:

... swarmed with Mappillas driven to desperation by the exactions of the Raja’s Hindu agents employed in collecting the revenue, who resorted, much to the disgust of the British officers quartered in those districts in command of troops, to the most cunning devices for procuring military aid to support their extortionate demands on the inhabitants.

Both groups of Mappilas mentioned above are included in Valluvanad’s context.

The Malabar Manual mentions Kundotti Thangal, who, along with the Kundotti Mappilas, reportedly showed loyalty and affection toward the English administration. It is written that when some Mappila individuals attacked and killed Henry Valentine Conolly, the Malabar District Collector, at the Collector’s Bungalow in West Hill, Calicut, on the 11ᵗʰ of September, 1855, it was the Kundotti Mappilas who chased and cornered the perpetrators in Kundotti.

Such were these Mappila people.

When discussing the Muslim communities of Malabar, Travancore, and Kerala today, there seems to be little consideration of how the highly complex lineage ties in their heritage influence their attitudes, ideologies, and self-interests.

During the English administration, many from lower-caste communities began escaping their dire circumstances. Some fled the servitude of their landlords to work in European plantations with decent wages. Others migrated to South Africa and elsewhere, where it seems the Dutch and French imported slaves from South Asia.

In South Malabar, some from the enslaved communities converted to Islam, including a significant group known as the Cherumars. They were called Cherumars reportedly due to their small stature.

They were kept at the bottom of the local feudal hierarchy, fed meagre food, and subjected to harsh linguistic and social treatment, which reduced them to this state.

When the English administration conducted censuses in 1871 and 1881, a striking fact emerged in South Malabar. While the general population grew by 5.71%, the Cherumar population declined by 34.93%. In 1871, there were 99,009 Cherumars, but by 1881, only 64,725 remained. Accounting for the expected 5.71% growth, approximately 40,000 Cherumars were missing. It is recorded that these missing Cherumars had converted to Islam.

[VED]

The conversion of many Cherumars and other lower-caste groups in South Malabar to Islam likely brought significant changes in their mental outlook. For individuals who had no social value, living like mere cattle on landlords’ fields, sleeping and sitting on the bare ground, conversion to Islam undoubtedly brought transformative changes. This is clearly stated in the Malabar Manual.

QUOTE👉:
Conversion to Muhammadanism has also had a most marked effect in freeing the slave caste from their former burdens. By conversion, a Cheruman obtains a distinct rise in the social scale, and if he is in consequence bullied or beaten, the influence of the whole Muhammadan community comes to his aid. With fanaticism still rampant, the most powerful of landlords dares not to disregard the possible consequences of making a martyr of his slave.

This cannot be portrayed as a wholly positive social development. Instead, it depicts a society bound by rigid feudal codes, where individuals wrestle, lock and unlock each other, break free, twist, turn, seize, release, oppress, and escape oppression, all within a chaotic struggle.

A convert to Islam does not live in an English-like environment. Rather, they navigate a new position within the same feudal linguistic framework, facing new social, personal, and psychological pressures. They adapt to some, resist others, and live amidst these tensions.

Moreover, their wife, children, and relatives also enter this new social position. Protecting them, shielding them from others’ delusions, and curbing their own inclinations and subservience toward others require new precautions, warnings, barriers, and boundaries, which can overwhelm and unsettle the mind.

Such individuals, adapting, resisting, and building social fences, may exhibit various mental attitudes that others notice. A similar experience likely occurred among lower-caste individuals in Travancore who converted to Christianity.

Blaming anyone is futile. A person’s behaviour and character are shaped by the words and actions of those around them. When individuals display mental distress, modern science examines the person and their mind to diagnose issues.

However, it seems more effective to examine the people surrounding the individual.

Saying, “What Chettan said isn’t right,” versus, “Inhi, stop messing around and get to work, eda,” evokes vastly different mental responses in the same person. I won’t delve into this now.

When a lower-caste individual becomes a Mappila, others—both lower and upper castes—see them as backed by a powerful social force. Yet, in their new social environment, they face new customs, subservience, and insecurities. Still, their situation is far better than their former slave-like existence.

The term fanaticism in the above quote may need redefinition or qualification. When one of their own is attacked, the community uniting for retaliation is a significant social phenomenon.

It’s unclear whether elite Arab Muslim families from Arabia exhibited such street-level displays of strength. Comparing them to the untainted English suggests they lacked this trait.

However, when lower-caste individuals joined Islam, they underwent profound social changes. Previously treated as mere cattle by Hindu families, Ambalavasis, and Nairs, they couldn’t organise. Had they been able to unite against landlord families, they might have escaped slavery long ago.

Upon joining Islam, they gained the ability to organise and resist those who exploited, humiliated, and tore them apart with the sharp words of feudal language—a monumental shift. Yet, their daily social and mental conditioning stemmed from the same distorted mindset of this subcontinent, not from untainted Arab or English influences.

It’s true that transitioning from the primitiveness of slavery to cultural refinement takes time. Early on, influence from Arabian families may have shaped them, but later, their own community members became their trainers, scholars, and spiritual guides.

The shortcomings in this cultural polishing likely stem from the persistent influence of local feudal language, with its limitations and warnings.

For culturally refined Hindu landlord families and their Nair overseers, organised lower-caste Mappilas were likely a nightmare. Other enslaved groups probably harboured strong animosity toward them, as these freed slaves disregarded the landlord families they loved, respected, and served.

The ability to rally Mappilas from each mahal to the streets near the mosque through the call to prayer is significant. This is driven by a social mechanism that trains individuals from childhood, almost like a military regimen, in religious schools and centres, following strict schedules from dawn.

This training also dismantles, to some extent, the social fences embedded in local language.

However, the persistence of a feudal linguistic society remains a problem, which I won’t address now.

I’ve heard Mappilas referred to as kakkamar (crows) in the past. The connection between the black crow and Mappilas is unclear. One explanation I heard is:

When a crow faces trouble, other crows in the area gather, making a loud commotion in the sky. Mappilas in Malabar reportedly behave similarly.

Another explanation is that Mappilas address or refer to older or higher-status men as ikka or ikkakka, either with or without their names.

The term Malappuram kakka is also familiar. These seem to be a more spirited subset of Mappilas.

Malabar’s Muhammadans include those of pure Arab descent, converted Hindus (including Brahmins), Ambalavasis, and Nairs. Additionally, in North Malabar around Cannanore, there are reportedly fair-skinned descendants of Greek immigrants.

There are also some Pathans and a few Deccani Muslims, whose heritage language seems to be Urdu, though I’m not certain.

There’s more: Mappilas in Calicut, converted from Mukkuvars by the Rajas.

Above all, there are Mappilas born to lower-caste women in Malabar from Arab traders who regularly crossed the Arabian Sea on sailing ships and large dhows.

It is into this complex Islamic community that South Malabar’s lower castes integrated.

It’s unlikely any other community in this subcontinent would permit such integration. The ability to unite such diverse groups under a powerful ideology backed by a spiritual sanctuary is remarkable.

However, this ideology has flaws. As long as it doesn’t reject languages with harsh codes, these shortcomings will persist.

[VED]

Let me address a matter concerning the slave trade. Many today believe the English were solely responsible for the slave trade, which is nearly 100% incorrect. However, formal historical records provide evidence to refute this.

I plan to delve into this topic later.

With the passage of the Slavery Abolition Act in Britain in 1833, the English administration banned slavery and the slave trade across its territories, including British India. However, in South Asia, slavery was deeply embedded in the social structure and encoded in local feudal languages, making it challenging to eradicate informal social slavery in British India.

Meanwhile, in independent states just outside British India, the British-Indian administration, along with Christian missionaries operating there, pressured local royal families to reduce the horrors of slavery. Nevertheless, in these states, as well as in small South Asian territories ruled by the French and Dutch, English laws held no sway.

The French and Dutch purchased slaves from local landlords in South India and transported them to other parts of the world. It’s not necessarily true that these slaves faced worse conditions abroad, as they were already living like cattle in their native lands.

Some Muhammadan maritime traders collaborated with the Dutch and French in this slave trade. This does not mean all Muhammadans were slave traders or supported the trade.

In those times, a slave was merely a commodity, much like how chickens or cattle are traded in bulk today. In South Asia, landlords commonly exchanged slaves, both individually and in groups.

The English had no authority over the French or Dutch. Since the slave trade was banned in British India, English authorities often clashed with these groups over their slave-trading activities.

I won’t delve into those details now, but here are some relevant quotes concerning Muhammadan maritime traders and the slave trade.

QUOTE 👉 from Malabar Manual:

The Commissioners likewise prohibited the slave trade carried on extensively in children by Mappilla merchants with the French and Dutch ports of Mahe and Cochin respectively.

The next quote, from Native Life in Travancore, refers to Muhammadan traders involved in the slave trade in northern British India.

QUOTE 🌙 from Native Life in Travancore:

Complaints are still made of slaves being taken from Northern India to Persia; and a Mussulman has quite recently been convicted of importing girls as slaves for Bhopal, and detaining them in Bombay against their will.

Native Life in Travancore continues:

Some years ago, the Reverend H. Baker rescued a family of heathen Shanars from the hands of Muhammadan merchants, who would have carried them to Zanzibar, by paying Rs. 21 as their price. They had been sold by their parents; and after their rescue were educated and employed in various capacities.

It continues:

One girl of whom he knew was actually taken away to Zanzibar by a Muhammadan, who secured her in Travancore ostensibly as a wife, then sold her off in Zanzibar. Her release and return to her native country were procured by Dr. Kirk.

(Dr. Kirk, mentioned here, was a British administrator in Zanzibar who suppressed its notorious ancient slave trade.)

When discussing Muhammadan involvement in the slave trade, a contradiction may arise. Earlier, I noted that Islam offered emancipation to South Malabar’s enslaved communities, yet now I mention Muhammadan traders collaborating with the French and Dutch in the slave trade.

First, it must be understood that a significant portion of society then lived as slaves tied to the land. Only with the arrival of English institutions in this subcontinent did the idea that these individuals were human gain intellectual traction.

Slavery existed in regions under Islamic rule as well. However, slaves in Islamic households differed from those tied to the land. Land-bound slaves were treated by local landlords as commodities, akin to oxen used for ploughing, to be traded or shared.

Moreover, Native Life in Travancore mentions Hindus (Brahmins) and Nairs in South India kidnapping individuals for slavery, specifically in Travancore:

In Trichur, a friend of mine was present in the mission-house in 1872, when some Nair landholders came and actually carried off a woman and child who had put themselves under instruction for baptism. The missionary started off to prevent the kidnapper, and overtook him on the public road. The man was punished by the Cochin Sirkar.

Shortly after, some Brahmins made a similar attempt, and the court sentenced the culprit to six months’ imprisonment; but as the offender was of the “twice-born” caste, intercession was made by the authorities for his forgiveness by the missionary, which was agreed to, on condition that a proclamation should be issued to the effect that no one could hereafter have or hold, buy or sell any person, under penalties, the highest of which was seven years’ imprisonment. This valuable document the missionary had printed for circulation.

Only the other day, also, a bride was kidnapped on the way to Mundakayam by a strong party.

Slavery persisted in South Asia and other feudal linguistic regions because individuals prioritised their own survival. Attempting to rescue another person or animal in distress often risked entanglement in the complex web of social communication, a deeply feared prospect.

Some Muhammadans engaged in maritime commerce. When slaves, as a commercial commodity, came into their hands, they treated them as such. They were not significantly different from other locals, and their language was equally oppressive.

Additionally, some Arabs captured or purchased Black Africans from the continent’s interior, selling them to the Portuguese and others.

It’s likely that some South Asian Muhammadan maritime traders had connections with these Arabs. Recall the earlier mention of a Travancore Muhammadan selling a girl in Zanzibar, on Africa’s eastern coast.

Furthermore, when enslaved individuals in South Malabar converted to Islam, Muhammadan slave traders may have gained access to other enslaved communities through them. While these may have been isolated incidents, they opened significant commercial opportunities.

As a footnote, I, this writer, have personally witnessed that centres for selling girls exist in India today, often with significant government support. These matters are unlikely to appear in formal educational textbooks.

[VED]

More needs to be said about Muhammadans in South Asia in general and Malabar’s Mappilas in particular. I, this writer, write within the limits of my knowledge, but without restraining thoughts or reflections.

Below is a quoted passage:

Tharawadikal, Tharawattukar, or Onnam number, Pooslans (Randam) and Thangals are aristocrats considered to be converts from Nayars and Brahmins.

Some outsiders, over time, aspired to align with Malabar’s elite, as understood by someone. However, this claim may not be entirely accurate. Moreover, placing Nairs before Brahmins in this context reveals a significant error.

It’s akin to ranking a police constable above an IPS officer. To a lower-caste individual, both may seem divine, but there’s a clear hierarchy between them. Where does a Namboodiri stand, and where does a Nair?

Many writings mistakenly equate Namboodiri traditions with Nair traditions. It seems some are unaware that Nairs, traditionally, are not part of the Hindu faith. Writing nonsense to earn a PhD seems ideal for some.

Among Mappilas, barbers appear to form a distinct community, called Ossan. Their women are likely Ossathi. Beyond haircutting, Ossans reportedly performed circumcisions on young boys. The term Morodan seems to be another name for Ossans.

Similarly, Mappila butchers form a distinct group, called Aravukar in Malabar, though in northern South Asia, they’re known as Qasai. It’s unclear if this term was used in Malabar or whether it’s Arabic, Persian, or otherwise.

Though Ossans and Aravukars are distinct, they attend the same mosques as other Mappilas for prayers.

When noting their distinctness, it’s worth emphasizing that, as mentioned earlier, Malabar’s Muhammadans comprise various distinct communities.

Over time, when forming marital alliances, these groups carefully select partners from their own traditional family lineages.

About ten to eighteen years ago, I accompanied an elite Mappila and noticed something striking: when introducing themselves to another Mappila of similar status, they meticulously detailed their family ties, explaining who married whom from which family, thereby establishing their family and its prestige.

Marital alliances were clearly forged through precise social hierarchies. However, recently, it seems challenging to confine marital ties to these traditional elite lineages. Gulf employment, the wealth accumulation of traditionally lower-tier families, and the financial decline of once-prominent families may be reasons for this.

Going forward, showcasing family lineage and prestige through marital connections may become difficult.

Nevertheless, the reality is that South Asia’s spiritual movements, including Islam, encompass diverse communities.

Among Muhammadans, various rivalries may exist, largely due to living within feudal linguistic frameworks. Most use these feudal languages to speak, refer, address, think, and imagine.

In feudal languages, concepts like leader, leadership, and leadership quality are paramount, constantly reinforced in the mind.

Moreover, in feudal languages, followers are arranged in a pyramid-like structure. New pyramids may emerge from each layer, often termed groupism in Malayalam today.

Religious and social compliance codes among Muhammadans may limit this phenomenon to an extent. However, it remains a persistent threat to any organized movement operating in a feudal linguistic framework.

Yet, the reality of coexisting with a large group that views Muhammadans with hostility may temper the divisive mentalities created by linguistic codes.

In South Asia, two distinct Islamic groups exist: Sunnis and Shias, who have historically clashed. The Mughal royal family in Delhi likely had both Sunni and Shia lineage ties, though they were generally known as Sunnis.

Some Mughal rulers reportedly persecuted Shia Muhammadans.

Most of Malabar’s Muhammadans seem to be Sunnis, with some Mujahideen as well. I am unclear on their differences or points of disagreement.

Malabar’s Sunnis are reportedly Shafi Sunnis, but I know little about this. Sunnis themselves are divided into Samastha and Markhaz, and I don’t know their differences or whether this reflects feudal linguistic divisions.

The Mujahideen also seem to have split. Formed about 60 years ago in Malabar, this organization reportedly sought social reform among Mappilas through various publications.

Then there’s Jamaat-e-Islami, who work distinctly for Muhammadan social welfare.

I am uncertain about how these groups differ.

I’ve heard of Tablighi Jamaat, who seem to advocate that Muslims adopt the Prophet Muhammad’s lifestyle. If so, I believe most Muslims share this ideal. However, in Malabar, South Asia, and much of the world, this is impractical. Emulating the Prophet remains an unfulfilled aspiration for many.

This topic can be discussed later.

Malabar’s Bohras (Daudi Bohras) are understood to be Shias, but I have no further information about them.

[VED]

It is said that he claimed to be the Mahdi Imam, believed to appear in the last days of the world. Although the Ahmadiyya movement exists today as an independent movement in many parts of the world, orthodox Islam does not recognise these people as followers of the Islamic faith and, moreover, has even persecuted them in several places.

It is understood that during the English rule in India, they did not face significant issues. However, with the establishment of the new nations of India and Pakistan, it seems they encountered adverse experiences.

In 1947, many of them safely relocated to a place called Rabwah in Pakistan and began residing there. However, the Sunni Islamic community’s refusal to accept them remained a significant issue. In 1984, the headquarters of this movement was shifted to England.

In Pakistan, the legal system does not recognise these people as Muslims.

It should be briefly mentioned here that there have been others in various parts of the world who have claimed to be the Mahdi Imam and initiated large movements.

The matters mentioned above are not about Malabar. Instead, they pertain to events and other matters in the north-western part of South Asia. It is known that these people live in various parts of India. There are those among them living in Malabar, Cochin, and Travancore today.

It is understood that their state headquarters is in Palayam, Calicut. It is also understood that their mosque is almost directly opposite the large Muslim mosque in Palayam. It is believed that they do not engage in any spiritual, social, or familial relations with Malabari Mappilas.

However, it seems that in India, they are legally defined as Muslims. At the same time, this definition is not available to them in Pakistan today.

Based on the matters mentioned above and some points written earlier, a commonly observed emotional sentiment is that there is some great virtue in Islam, but the Islam that exists today is not the true Islam, and this religion needs to be guided to the right path. Such sentiments are present in many people.

This writer does not possess the profound knowledge to delve into the depths of these matters. Nevertheless, after some writings, it may not be impossible to say a few things about the Islamic faith.

There are still some matters to be said about the Mappilas, which differ in many ways from what has been discussed so far. Before that, it seems appropriate to address some miscellaneous matters.

As an introduction to writing about these miscellaneous matters, I will note here some things that this writer heard in my youth, where the Muslim community in general, and Malabari Mappilas in particular, were lightly mocked with a humorous tone. It could be said that what was mocked was the old-time demeanour of the Malabari Mappila community.

However, as clarified earlier in this writing, the Mappila community did not have a uniform cultural or social standard. Rather, various groups and people of different standards within them have been included under the definition of Malabari Muslim or Malabari Mappila.

The first thing to mention is something a person told CPS (Govindan, CPS’ father) about 50 years ago, words which CPS (Govindan, CPS’ father) then shared with me.

That person reportedly said this:

Mappilas are the exact opposite of us Hindus in every way.

When we write from left to right, they write from right to left.

When we say “Amma,” they say “umma.”

When we say “Acha,” they say “uppa.”

When we wear a mundu to the right, they wear it to the left.

When we wash our face in one direction, they wash it in the opposite direction.

We pray with folded hands; they pray with open palms.

Our women walk without covering their faces or hair; they cover their hair and sometimes their faces.

Above all, for us, the cow is a sacred animal; for them, it’s something to eat!

There’s one thing that person didn’t mention: we Hindu men do not circumcise the foreskin, but Mappilas do.

The most significant error in these statements seems to be the phrase “we Hindus.” It doesn’t seem that the person was a Namboodiri or any other Brahmin, so the use of “we Hindus” is itself flawed.

Another error is the perspective that Mappilas, or Malabari Muslims, are a single homogeneous group, which is not true.

It is true that Hindus (Brahmins), along with temple-dwellers and Nairs under them, did not consume beef, but many lower-class people below them did include beef in their diet. Many of these lower-class people are now included under the definition of “we Hindus.” Some among them have also converted to Islam.

However, it is often perceived that Islam stood against many things in this land. Some of the statements quoted above make this clear. It could be inferred that there were some flaws in this land, and Islam took a stance entirely opposite to them.

Yet, these may only be the sentiments of ordinary Muslims in Malabar. The question is whether Islam can be judged based on their stances, sentiments, and attitudes.

This is because Muslims in Malabar carry the feudal linguistic ethos that surrounds them. Failing to see this truth and attempting to understand Islam through them would be foolish.

Moreover, many among the Malabari Muslims, including Mappilas, are ancestrally Hindus or belong to communities that fell under Hindu influence. Therefore, they may not have completely broken free from the grip of their traditional social codes. This means that what is reflected in them is not solely Islamic sentiments.

Thus, it is highly likely that the personalities of many defined as Mappilas or Malabari Muslims carry the codes of local social conditions. Defining Islam and Muhammad (the Prophet) based on the behaviours and mental attitudes of these people with mixed sentiments would not be correct.

Another thing heard from a different person about 50 years ago, told to CPS (Govindan, CPS’ father):

The Mappilas’ religion is a good one. If it weren’t for it, who would control a community that is like the Mooris (bullocks)?

These words also stem from the very limited life experiences of the person who said them. Nevertheless, there is a silent truth in these words: Islam allowed even those with a very primitive cultural level to enter its fold and instilled great discipline and values in them.

However, Islam did something that harmed its own reputation. Even Brahmins, who carry the great Indian tradition, were not willing to do such a thing.

Another set of mocking words, heard years ago from a young man from the lower classes of Travancore, comes to mind. I don’t clearly recall the person who said it.

This is how Muslims were defined:

Shaved heads, green flags, and circumcised penis. That’s our symbol!

It’s indeed difficult to see bald heads among Mappilas today. Moreover, the language of Malabar might have seemed like a foolish language to Travancoreans, which can be inferred from these words. The matter of circumcision is something I feel needs discussion, but I won’t delve into it now.

Those on the other side and those on this side may not always be great or noble common people. Yet, there are many unclear contradictions among many. Many may not have knowledge of the broader realities of various matters.

Each person lives in a linguistic atmosphere that forces them to compete and fight with their surroundings and those around them.

People behave and react based on the dim light of their own life experiences in a narrow alley, influenced by the teachings and advice of those around them.

However, the truth is that there is another clear platform beyond all this. Most people seem unaware of what that platform is or where it exists.

[VED]

I am continuing with miscellaneous matters related to Mappilas. However, before that, it seems appropriate to discuss some points concerning cow worship in Malabar and, moreover, in South Asia. This is because cow worship was mentioned in the previous writing. I cannot delve into anything profound at this point.

When the term "cow worship" is heard, certain thoughts come to mind, and these are what I will discuss.

It seems that in England, in olden times, cows were allowed to live in large pastures. In South Asia, too, cows might be seen grazing in open grassy areas, either let loose or tethered.

However, generally speaking, in South Asia and present-day India, cows are kept in very cramped cowsheds with little to no space. Life for these cows must be unbearable.

Moreover, these cows are often addressed by household servants and others as "nee" (lowest you) or "that," as if they were objects. Such language would erode the dignity of not just a cow but even an elephant. This is especially true when the lowest workers in the household or large landlord families use such terms.

When a low-status person uses such language, it could provoke even an Indian IPS officer, let alone an elephant.

Seeing an Indian cow, confined in this manner, stripped of personal freedom, and raised in a way that erodes its dignity, one can understand its pitiful condition. Often, its body and surroundings are covered in dung and plagued by insects.

The condition of the male counterpart, the bull, is even more wretched. It must endure ploughing fields, having iron nails driven into its hooves to attach metal plates, working under the scorching sun alongside low-status workers like Cherumans, and pulling bullock carts, among other hardships.

Returning to the cow:

When it is said that Hindus (Brahmins) view this creature as divine, one must examine the underlying reality.

In India, this divine creature is treated as a milk-producing machine. Most cows worldwide live in similar conditions. However, comparing cows in English-speaking countries to those in India is like comparing ordinary people in England to ordinary people in India. While the former are treated like gold, it’s hard to say how the latter are treated here.

It seems some were aware that bringing animals from foreign lands to South Asia could diminish their spirit. This was often said about renowned Arabian horses. It’s recalled that it was written long ago that within a single generation in South Asia, these horses would begin to lose their spirit.



The reason given was South Asia’s climate. But what adverse climate could affect Arabian horses, which survived extreme heat and harsh desert conditions? Has anyone pondered this?

In South Asia, these horses are managed by workers who live with diminished dignity under their owners. These workers, addressing anyone or anything in their control as "nee" (lowest you), "avan" (lowest he), "aval" (lowest she), or "that," constantly try to elevate their own status by suppressing others.

They are like teachers in the local linguistic environment of Indian schools.

Some students and horses achieve great victories in competitions. Others remain diminished. Some, to avoid being diminished, create constant noise, chaos, and displays of leadership, living in a tumultuous environment.

Returning to the cow with its diminished dignity:

A cow does not give milk willingly, but milk can be extracted from it. Various dairy products are made from this milk. However, the same can be done with goats, buffaloes, and other animals.

Yet, it’s unclear why divinity is attributed to the cow but not to goats or buffaloes. It might be a custom started long ago by social elites and continued through centuries.

It is written that cow worship may have originated from Kamadhenu, the divine cow of Sage Vasishta, mentioned in stories of Vedic people from about 7,000 years ago in northwest South Asia. I’m not certain. However, only a tiny fraction of people in present-day South Asia likely have a clear bloodline connection to those Vedic people, and that too in a very minute measure.

After the Vedic period, a few thousand years later, during the era of epic stories like the Ramayana and Mahabharata, a spiritual movement seems to have emerged in or beyond this subcontinent. It’s unclear whether this was the same as the earlier Vedic spirituality, as their deities differ. Yet, both are now considered part of Brahmin religion, that is, Hinduism.

In the Mahabharata, cows are mentioned in connection with Lord Krishna. It’s uncertain if this is where the cow’s divinity originated.

However, a connection with cows is seen elsewhere—in matters of auspicious and inauspicious omens.

To dispel negative events and create a wave of positivity in the mind, certain auspicious sights, images, thoughts, and feelings are needed.

If negative thoughts or something troubling the mind leads to undesirable people, places, or events, it connects to negative codes in the “code view” of reality’s transcendent software and dangerous shifts in its “design view.”

Many negative aspects in feudal languages don’t exist in English, so English speakers may not grasp the meaning of this.

The following points are drawn from Edgar Thurston’s Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Vol. 1) and Omens and Superstitions of Southern India, as well as other old English texts:

Cows, buttermilk, a cow with its calf, a cow or bull tied with a rope around its neck, the tail of a black cow, riding on a cow’s back, milk from a cow that has just given birth for the first time, cow dung, dried cow dung, a mixture of cow dung with chicken blood, eggs, and rice, seeing a cow’s hindquarters first thing in the morning upon waking, or a cow urinating when being purchased—these are associated with auspicious omens and positive thoughts for certain communities on specific occasions.

There was also a practice of tying a cow in front of a temple for passersby to see its face.

If a child’s horoscope showed dangers or negative tendencies, there was reportedly a ritual to “rebirth” the child through a cow. I cannot delve into its details now.

A cow with three or five teats on its udder is given special value in certain contexts.

Many prohibitions related to cows are documented. Cow sacrifice is reportedly forbidden.

Ghee from cow or buffalo milk should not be used in offerings or annual ceremonies. Other prohibitions are also recorded.

Even among lower-class people, there is a slight influence of these beliefs, but their needs differ from those of Brahmins. The feudal languages dictate different needs for an IPS officer, a peon, and today’s common low-status person. It’s somewhat similar.

Mappila cart drivers reportedly tied black ropes around the necks or across the faces of their bullocks.

Many of these people may have been from lower classes who converted to Islam.

Next, I must mention panchagavya, a practice in Brahmin religion (Hinduism).

It is recorded that panchagavya is used to remove pollution from childbirth, sea voyages, and other causes.

The ingredients used to make it are:

Cow dung, ghee, cow urine, milk, and curd.

Quoting from Wikipedia about the use of panchagavya:

It is used as an Ayurvedic medicine, for corona, cancer, AIDS, fertility, and treating vaginal scars in women. ... It has a critical connection with temples.

This is part of Brahmin heritage, not necessarily that of other communities claiming to be Hindu today.

These are all significant matters. However, there seems to be no thought among cow worshippers about the cow’s right to live with dignity, respect, and comfort.

[VED]

In Volume 9, Chapter 15 of this writing, I discussed various matters related to worship among the lower-class Christians of Travancore. Similarly, in Volume 9, Chapter 16, I addressed similar matters within the Hindu (Brahmin) religion.

In the same vein, I will here note some miscellaneous matters concerning the Mappilas and other Muslims of Malabar. However, I must first admit that this writer has only limited knowledge of such matters.

Based on hearsay, I will list some points here. This is necessary because these matters cannot be omitted from this writing, as its subject is currently focused on affairs in Malabar.

It is certain that many readers will have more knowledge about the matters listed here.

The first is Moulid. It is commonly referred to as Moyluth. It seems to be Mawlid or Mawlid al-Nabi al-Sharif (Arabic: مَولِد النَّبِي‎). It appears that Mawlid is a celebration related to the Prophet’s birthday. I am not certain of the facts.

It also seems that Mappilas in Malabar perform Moulid as a prayer ceremony when preparing for a new endeavour in their lives.

I am unclear about the difference between these two aspects. It is also not clear to this writer whether these are different forms of the same practice.

Upon a brief inquiry, it was found that Moulid involves reciting hymns in praise of the Prophet as a form of prayer.

It is unknown whether the Prophet permitted such a practice.

However, in a harsh social environment, it is true that individuals, families, relatives, and communities may turn to transcendent platforms for support and intercession. Religious doctrines are indeed influenced by linguistic codes.

Moreover, it cannot be definitively said that such appeals to transcendent platforms are entirely futile.

Next, I will discuss two rituals known as Rathib and Kuthu Rathib. It seems that the latter includes some weapon-related practices added to the former.

Quote from Wikipedia:

Rathib or Hadra are devotional assemblies of Sufi spiritual figures in Islam. The term Rathib means “that which is recited repeatedly.”

These assemblies involve praising God, reciting divine names, prayers, and Quranic verses, praying for the welfare of prophets, saints, and Sufi mystics, extolling the virtues of prophets, and singing praises of the miracles and virtues of various Sufi saints. All Rathibs are structured uniformly. End of Quote

Quote from a Facebook post:

Kuthu Rathib involves actions such as piercing parts of the body—tongue, ears, stomach—with knives or sharp metal instruments. During the ritual, songs known as Baiths or Rathibs are sung. End of Quote

Such practices may have blended with the linguistic codes and, consequently, the culture of the regions where the religion spread.

It seems these practices prevail among Muslims in North Malabar. Muslims in Cochin and Travancore may have heard of such practices.

It is said that instruments like the daf and arabana are used in the above-mentioned practices. These seem to be part of the traditional heritage of Malabari Muslims. It is unknown whether Muslims in Cochin or Travancore used these instruments.

The rhythmic sound of the arabana reportedly adds a somewhat fearsome quality to Kuthu Rathib rituals.

In the early 19th century, when smallpox spread in Malabar, it is said that Kuthu Rathib was performed in Muslim households with the beating of the arabana. It was believed that Ahmad Kabir al-Rifai Sheikh would appear during these rituals, preventing the disease from affecting the household and its surroundings. (Source: Wikipedia)

Reading this today may seem utterly foolish, but if one understands that the mechanisms of viruses are merely software codes, this writer cannot definitively say that chants lack the power to block or disable them.

However, it must be noted that as these rituals spread to many households, their intensity may have diminished, and their purposes may have become diluted. Generally speaking, when such rituals enter local communities, they may undergo various changes.

It seems that Kuthu Rathib, in its original form, is still performed in some affluent Muslim families in North Malabar, with a degree of privacy. This is merely a feeling, with no documented basis.

Daf Mutt may also be considered a ritual art form among Malabari Muslims. However, it could also serve as a process of social regimentation. While such parading has a positive aspect, if it is not accompanied by an elevation of the surrounding society’s standards, it may pose a socially dangerous flaw. I cannot delve into that now.

Quote from Wikipedia: Daf Mutt is performed by groups of at least ten people, singing Arabic Baiths or Arabi-Malayalam literary songs, creating rhythmic beats while moving up, down, and sideways with synchronized steps. End of Quote

[VED]

I am continuing the account based on the limited information gained through hearsay about Malabari Muslims.

First, let us look at a few expressions commonly found among Malabari Muslims:

Kolkali, Oppana, Mappilappattu.

Kolkali seems to be a dance performed with a small stick held in each hand. Oppana is a song-and-dance event in which women participate. Mappilappattu is a distinctive style of singing with specific melodies and tunes that developed among the Mappilas of Malabar or has existed since ancient times.

It is understood that most Mappilappattu songs heard today are comprehensible not only in Malabar but also in Travancore. However, when I visited Travancore around 1970, it seemed that the locals had no knowledge of Mappilappattu. This refers to ordinary people.

It is unclear whether Calicut All India Radio broadcasts, audible in Malabar, could be heard in Travancore.

In the early 1980s, during my college days, I recall some classmates saying they couldn’t understand Mappilappattu at all. I don’t think locals there would have such an experience today.

One reason could be the emergence of new Mappilappattu songs. Another might be that many Malabari words are now used in Malayalam. Additionally, several Malayalam films produced in Travancore have included songs with Mappilappattu tunes.

Two film songs written by non-Mappila writers are noted above. The first seems to depict Muslims from Cannanore, and the second, Malabari Mappilas. This is just a feeling; I lack precise information.

I am unsure of the melody and rhythm of Mappilappattu. The singing starts slowly but suddenly accelerates, spiralling upward like a frantic rush. Travancoreans back then couldn’t grasp what was being said or happening in these gently rising verses.

Next, I will discuss Arabi-Malayalam, a language. It seems Arabi-Malayalam refers to the local language written in Arabic script. Islamic scholars from Arabia who came to Malabar likely taught religious matters in the local language using Arabic script.

The Malayalam of that time was likely the local Malabari language, possibly without Tamil or Sanskrit influence.

During the English administration, when lower-class Christians, Syrian Christians, Ezhavas, and others from Travancore migrated to Malabar, Arabi-Malayalam may have gradually shifted toward the modern Malayalam vocabulary developed in Travancore.

Travancoreans formally educated in their language began writing Islamic texts in Arabi-Malayalam, possibly introducing Travancore linguistic influences into its vocabulary.

I cannot say anything definitively about these matters. Comparing Arabi-Malayalam texts from 100–150 years ago with those from about 50 years ago would be necessary to confirm this external influence.

It is said that in the past, madrasas taught ten religious texts known as Pathu Kitab. These were reportedly in Arabi-Malayalam.

When I lived in Deverkovil as a child for some time, I recall seeing women, even from affluent Mappila households, smoking beedis. I am unsure if this was a widespread practice in Malabar then.

Back then, most people chewed betel quid. Crushed areca nut mixed with lime paste was wrapped in a betel leaf and chewed. By around age sixteen, girls often became highly skilled at this. The red stain of betel juice on their lips gave them an strikingly attractive red hue.

However, this should be seen as detrimental to dignity. It is said that Muslim women were taught to smoke beedis to deter them from betel quid chewing.

Next, I will address the Mappilas’ practice of tying their mundu to the left.

One might assume that all non-Mappila Malabari people tied their mundu to the right. However, the reality may be more complex. In the English administration period, elite families in Malabar—Nairs, Ambalavasis, and Namboodiris—may have worn mundus.

Before that, most people likely wore something like a langoti in daily life.

Moreover, affluent Thiyya families might have worn mundus or towels. However, the vast majority likely wore just a towel or a langoti-like garment.

A change likely came with the English administration, which granted lower classes greater freedom in clothing. Additionally, affordable, high-quality textiles from England arriving in Malabar may have enabled lower classes to adopt new clothing styles.

Nevertheless, most lower-class individuals likely wore only what their local landlord families permitted—towels or langotis.

In South Malabar, lower-class people who converted to Islam were likely seen as defiant and thus rogues by their traditional landlords. These Mappilas may have worn mundus, tied to the left. They had no one to fear.

However, tying the mundu to the left seems to be a challenging task. As I do not wear a mundu, I cannot elaborate on this experience.

One might wonder why Mappilas tie their mundu to the left. It is said that the Prophet dressed this way. I am unsure if this is accurate. It is also heard that emulating the Prophet’s actions is Sunnah.

It is unclear whether Mappilas tie their mundu to the left due to a combination of these factors.

Another reason has been heard. Islam seems deeply concerned with bodily hygiene. It appears that Islam emerged among a semi-primitive, hard-hearted people. The Prophet introduced significant reforms in their daily practices, establishing many customs through words and actions.

Some of these may trace back to Abraham’s time among the Jews.

In Islam, boys and men wash their genitals with water immediately after urinating. The foreskin at the tip of a circumcised penis is removed, keeping the glans very clean among Jews and Muslims.

It is also known that in countries like America, non-Muslims circumcise their boys.

Muslim men urinate sitting down, if the place allows. Holding the penis with the left hand and washing with water using the right is made easier by tying the mundu to the left.

It is said that this is why the mundu is tied to the left. I am unsure of the truth.

Since this matter was mentioned, circumcision has come up. I am unaware of its religious aspects. However, I can comment on a matter related to keeping the human body clean.

In English, the male genitalia is called the penis. In Malabari language, it was referred to as pakki in the past. This is not a vulgar term. However, the common Malayalam term for it is indeed vulgar.

In Malabari, urinating is called paathuka.

The tip of the penis has a bulb-like part called the glans penis in English. It is highly sensitive and capable of providing sensual pleasure.

The skin covering the glans penis is called the foreskin in English.

Typically, in boys and men, a yellowish substance accumulates under the foreskin and above the glans penis. This substance, called smegma in English, reportedly acts as a lubricant for foreskin movement.

I understand that Malayalam has not yet developed technical terms for glans penis and smegma. It is surprising that those who hastily borrowed English terms into Malayalam overlooked these two.

Returning to the point: In many boys and some men, the foreskin is tight and inflexible. As a result, they often do not bother to wash the smegma accumulating under it daily.

This can cause the genital area to become foul-smelling and even lead to certain diseases.

Thus, I feel that circumcising boys is beneficial. It helps prevent diseases like balanitis.

When a wit mocked Muslims about circumcision, he may have been unaware of this benefit.

Another fringe benefit of circumcision has been heard, related to sexual matters. A penis without a foreskin reportedly exhibits great vitality, flexibility, and sharpness.

Moreover, the penis remains very clean. This may be appealing to those interested in fellatio.

If non-Muslims in the region begin circumcising their boys, identifying religion by lifting mundus or pulling down pants during communal riots may lose accuracy.

This is because the “ID card” inside the underwear may appear the same for many.

[VED]

I am mentioning some expressions heard in the past related to Malabari Muslims.

First, Sunnath. It seems Sunnath refers to the lifestyle and practices demonstrated or taught by Muhammad (the Prophet). It also feels like a word closely associated with something virtuous or pious.

However, among Muslims, the act of circumcising the foreskin of the male genitalia is also called Sunnath.

This reminds me of something heard in the past about people going to Ponnani for conversion to Islam. It was said that undergoing circumcision, reciting some Arabic verses, and shaving the head would make one a Muslim. However, I understand the reality is different.

It is learned that one must undergo months of religious study at Ponnani and receive a certificate from the Maunathul Islam Sabha to be recognised as a Muslim.

Even today, people in Malabar may go to Ponnani for conversion to Islam.

Rabb seems to be a synonym for Allah (Arabic: اﷲ) or Ishwaran (God). However, it appears that Mappilas and other Malabari Muslims do not use the term Ishwaran, though they do use Daivam (God).

I have heard Mappilas use the word Rasool. It is understood to be a term used to refer to or describe the Prophet Muhammad.

As noted on Wikipedia:

Quote: No other language has a word that fully encompasses the meaning of Allah. Thus, Allah is not a synonym for God or the One God. End of Quote.

The prayer practice among Muslims is Niskaram. In Arabic, the word used is Swalat (صلاة), pronounced as Swala due to the silent th. Before Niskaram, one must purify their hands, feet, and face.

The prayer involves alternating between standing, kneeling, bowing, and standing again. One might wonder about this prayer method. However, it is observed that it incorporates daily physical exercise and a yoga-like stretching alongside prayer. I am unaware of deeper aspects related to this.

There are also Dhikr and Dua after Niskaram, which seem to be forms of prayers. I am not certain.

Takbir is understood to mean reciting the words Allahu Akbar (ٱللَّهُ أَكْبَرُ), meaning "God is Great."

After Niskaram, it is said that Subhanallah, Alhamdulillah, and Allahu Akbar are each recited 33 times separately, followed by La Ilaha Illallah 10 times.

Subhanallah and Alhamdulillah are understood to mean "I praise God."

Allahu Akbar is understood to mean something close to "God is Great."

La Ilaha Illallah seems to mean "There is no God but Allah."

It also feels that the true pronunciation of Allah cannot be fully captured in Malayalam script.

Regarding Bismi:

Bismillahi Rahman Rahim is shortened to Bismillah (بسملة). Muslims begin any good deed by reciting Bismi, meaning "In the name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful." This phrase is used at the start of every Surah in the Quran. Source: Wikipedia.

Suratul Fatiha (Al-Fatiha) is the opening chapter of the Quran. It seems to be a preamble-like section containing a prayer to God for guidance, leadership, and mercy.

Kalbu seems to be a word used to refer to the heart in an emotional sense.

Rooh appears to be a word with a meaning close to soul.

Aakhir refers to the realm where the soul resides after death.

Barkath seems to mean something close to blessing.

Khatham Payangal is understood to refer to the state of having completely recited the Quran once.

Among Malappuram Mappilas, Cheerani refers to desserts, roughly equivalent to the English term dessert, meaning sweet dishes served at the end of a meal.

Karmashastram is a collection of Islamic spiritual practices and rituals.

Qabr refers to the Islamic practice of burying the dead in a grave. Qabr adakki means performing a burial.

Mayyath refers to a corpse. Thus, mayyathayi could mean died. Mayyathukadu likely refers to an Islamic cemetery. Mayyathu Niskaram is a spiritual ritual related to the deceased.

I have a few more words in mind, which I plan to include in the next writing.

[VED]

I am adding a few more words related to Malabari Muslims that I have heard and have in mind.

Mahal: It seems to refer to the area where Muslims live under the jurisdiction of a specific mosque committee.

A’oodhu: I understand it means "I seek refuge in God."

Hamd: It is understood to mean "praising God."

Salaam: This is the greeting exchanged among Islamic believers.

Mu’mineen: It is understood to mean "(Islamic) believers."

Oudh: This is a type of fragrant wood, known in Malayalam as Akil. In English, it is called Eagle Wood or Agarwood (Aquilaria malaccensis).

It seems that since ancient times, Malabari Muslims have used Akil Kootu (a mixture of Akil, sandalwood, camphor, cardamom, and honey) in bridal chambers, housewarming ceremonies, near the deceased, and other occasions.

It is also understood that Oudh is a fragrance highly valued by Arabs and is a substance with significant medicinal properties. Oudh is said to be very expensive.

Attar: These are cosmetic substances used to enhance the beauty, colour, fragrance, and health of body parts. Attar is a cosmetic highly cherished by Muslims. It is written that Attar is a fragrant oil distilled from rose petals.

Hajj: This refers to the pilgrimage to Mecca and the associated rituals performed by Muslims from the 8th to the 12th of the month of Dhul-Hijjah, as prescribed by the Quran and the Prophet’s practices. Source: Wikipedia.

Umrah: It is obligatory for affluent and healthy Muslims to perform Umrah (Arabic: عمرة) in Mecca at least once in their lifetime. The word Umrah means "nurturing." It reportedly takes only two to three hours to complete once.

Mecca: This is an ancient city located in the western part of Saudi Arabia. It is understood to be the holiest city for Islamic believers.

In Arabic, Mecca is written as Makkah, but pronounced as Mecca. In Malayalam, it is referred to as Mecca, though Makkath is also used, as in “went to Makkath.”



In English, the word is written and pronounced as Mecca. It is also used metaphorically to mean a sacred or central place, e.g., “England is seen as the Mecca of pristine English.”

Sharia: This is the code of laws that a Muslim must follow in their personal life and that an Islamic administration must implement in governance.

It touches all aspects of life, including family relations, clothing, food habits, human rights, financial dealings, marriage-related matters, and even sexual conduct, all falling within the guidelines of this legal framework.

Haraam: These are actions or things forbidden for a Muslim under Sharia law.

Haraam Piranna: This phrase seems to be a Malabar-specific expression, meaning “born through adultery.” It is understood that in the past, this phrase was often used as a derogatory term or hate speech. Its meaning is somewhat akin to the Malayalam phrase thanthakku pirakkathavan (one not born to a father).

There is more to write, which I plan to include in the next writing.

[VED]

I have heard the term niskarathazhambu. It refers to a small mark or scar-like spot on the forehead of men who regularly pray at the mosque. Some Muslims seem to consider this mark a clear sign of the person’s religious faith, devotion to God, and honesty.

There is a concept among Muslims called Parudeesa, which I understand corresponds to the English word paradise.

It is unclear whether this is the same as the Garden of Eden. It is believed that God has promised those who live according to spiritual principles a place in Parudeesa after death, residing in beautiful gardens situated above rivers.

Human eyes cannot see God. However, it is said that in Parudeesa, one can see God. Things never seen by human eyes, never heard by ears, and never imagined by the heart are said to be experienced and enjoyed in Parudeesa.

Parudeesa is a realm that cannot be compared to anything in the physical world.

This writer has no difficulty believing the above. The reason is that it is not hard to understand that the transcendent software systems operating behind the physical world, and the experiences they can create, can exist beyond human perception if needed.

When discussing Parudeesa, the term Houri comes up. One could say Houris are the beautiful women of Parudeesa. The word could also be interpreted as Apsaras or divine beauties.

However, using terms like Apsaras, divine beauty, or celestial maiden reminds us that similar concepts and claims exist in other spiritual traditions.

For example, the term divine beauty appears in various shamanistic beliefs in ancient South Asia. The word Yakshi is also seen in connection with such celestial maidens in many places.

In Brahminical (Hindu) temple sculptures, divine beauties are depicted as attendants of gods and goddesses. Some of these depictions show them in roles such as Salabhanjika, Darpani, Thorana, Dalamalika, Padmagandha, Narthaki, or Alasyakanya, performing various tasks.

However, it seems that the Houris in Islam differ from the celestial maidens mentioned above.

In Malabar, it is understood that those who live and die according to Islamic principles will be rewarded in Parudeesa with Houris as companions.

In other words, righteous men are believed to receive beautiful women. However, such understandings are shaped by the limitations of linguistic expressions.

This is because it is also seen that women who live righteously and die are similarly rewarded with something akin to Houris. The question is whether this can be understood as women receiving handsome young men in Parudeesa.

Once the soul leaves the body, the transcendent software system required to sustain the physical body, eating, digestion, blood circulation, breathing, and sexual desire becomes unnecessary.

What moves to Parudeesa might be just the transcendent software comprising intellect, thought, memory, and sensory abilities. It is even questionable whether the distinction between male and female persists in Parudeesa. It feels that the Houri a soul encounters there might be of a similar nature.

Rather than imagining Houris as enchanting temptresses—draped in delicate garments, standing in semi-transparent mist, with moist eyes burning with desire, preparing floral beds with blossoming bosoms, arriving hurriedly by a nectar-filled stream under a garden—this writer feels otherwise.

(A reminder here that the expressions used are borrowed from old Malayalam film songs.)

Could the word Houri be understood as sweet companions who bring joy to the heart? This is a question in my mind.

It also feels that the transcendent software of the mind and brain, detached from the body, has no need for the physical body, eyes, ears, fingers, or the constant thrilling sensations they crave.

[VED]

I plan to briefly examine the life experiences of Malabari Muslims from the early 20th century (1900 onwards) until the period when Malabar was annexed to Travancore.

CPS, born in 1927 in Tellicherry, North Malabar, studied in an English convent there and later graduated from the renowned Brennen College, then part of the Madras Presidency. CPS recalls no communal thoughts in personal life regarding interactions with Muslims. However, it is unclear how accurate this observation is.

In the 1970s, while CPS was working in Travancore, a major communal riot occurred in Tellicherry. Newspapers in Travancore reported clashes between Muslims and some individuals now commonly identified as Hindus, for reasons unknown to CPS. There were reports of daily beheadings. It seems the local name Thalassery earned the grim nickname Thalachedi (head-cutter) during this time.

This incident was reportedly confined to Tellicherry and its surroundings. The CRPF intervened, suppressing the riots by attacking anyone seen on the streets.

It is said that looting and other indecent acts occurred during this communal riot, suggesting that communal hatred was exploited for personal gain.

A similar issue occurred in Trivandrum in the early 1980s, when this writer was present. There is much to say about that incident, but it cannot be addressed now.

It can be assumed that there was no communal discord in Tellicherry during English rule. However, a major communal riot took place in South Malabar in 1921. This was the culmination of events starting around 1836, where lower-class Muslims began attacking their former slave-master class Hindus (Brahmins), their allied Ambalavasis, Nairs, and even loyal lower-class individuals.

In 1858, when the British Crown took over British-India from the English East India Company, significant changes occurred in its political structure. This will be discussed later. However, this development placed British-India in the hands of academic fools in Britain, whose goal was to foster self-rule systems.

In many texts, British-India is referred to as such in South Asia, but in Britain and elsewhere, the term India was often used. This led to a misconception that independent kingdoms around British-India were part of it.

At that time, England not only ruled Britain but also led governance in many parts of the world. Many in England lacked clear knowledge of the boundaries of these colonial regions.

These British academic fools were making moves to implement democracy across this global empire.

Since the English East India Company began ruling South Asia, significant opposition to this rule grew in England and other parts of Britain. By depicting the traditional enslaved people of South Asia, their submissive postures, and comparing them to individuals under English rule, leftists in Britain propagated that British-India’s administration enslaved people.

Moreover, they believed British-India’s rule was exploitative because locals were not appointed to high-ranking central administrative positions. Such writings are still common in Britain, but this was not the reality.

This will be elaborated on later.

For centuries, hundreds of communities liberated by the English Company from local elite enslavement were set on a path to fall back under the same local elites with the advent of self-rule in British-India. These elites could travel to England, live there, study, gain English proficiency, and more.

However, they did not desire such opportunities for the lower classes beneath them, as the feudal language ensured that if the lower classes rose, the elites would fall 180 degrees.

In this writer’s personal assessment, compared to any historical regime in any South Asian region, the English East India Company’s rule was far superior. In truth, the Company’s rule was much better than the British Raj.

The British fools introduced the concept of democracy to make British-India capable of self-rule. Once introduced, it opened vast opportunities for those with economic means.
...

[VED]

In Cannanore, the Arakkal family, along with other Muhammadans in the vicinity who share Greek bloodlines, the Keyi family in Tellicherry, Mappilas in North and South Malabar with Arab bloodlines, Mappilas from Namboodiri-Ambalavasi-Nair family lines, Mappilas from South Malabar’s lower communities ranging from Cherumars to higher-ranking Makkathayam Thiyyars, maritime workers raised as Muhammadans by the Calicut royal family from lower communities, a few Pattanas, some Deccani Muhammadans, and, above all, several families steadfast in pure Arab bloodlines—these, it seems, comprised the Muhammadans of Malabar at the time.

Among them, those from South Malabar’s lower bloodlines likely underwent significant mental and social transformations over decades. One factor was the social elevation they gained through Islam. Another was the probable intermingling of bloodlines among lower communities, from Cherumars upwards. Additionally, these groups may have mixed with higher family bloodlines, including Arab ones, through marital ties.

It doesn’t appear that the English administration conspired to pit Malabar’s Muhammadans against each other or to divide them. However, another factor inspired them to unite and fostered the mindset that only by standing together could they survive here.

It seems that continental European traders, and indeed the English administration, held the view that everyone in this subcontinent who was not Muhammadan, Christian, Jain, Buddhist, or Sikh was Hindu.

Whether Arab traders shared this belief is unclear. For the Vedic spirituality and the Trimurti-based spirituality that emerged thousands of years later were the ancestral property of Brahmins.

It appears they shared this only minimally with Kshatriyas. I am unaware of the Vaishyas’ situation. However, Shudras were likely enslaved by Brahmins.

During the English administration, as many communities under Brahmin dominance gained social elevation, they exploited the ignorance of the English and claimed to be Hindus too. Thus, they began discovering vast spiritual and intellectual wealth in their heritage.

The English company officials themselves set the stage for these discoveries. They sent people across British-India and independent kingdoms, unearthing palm-leaf manuscripts thousands of years old, translating them, and enabling communities under Brahmin dominance to claim them.

Just as the English administration sought to uncover ancient Egyptian culture, it attempted to unearth South Asia’s antiquity. But something else transpired.

In reality, the English administration snatched two distinct spiritual traditions within Hindu spirituality from Brahmin hands and handed them to communities with no connection to them.

Traditionally, in Malabar and Travancore, many Ambalavasis and all Nairs were prohibited from Vedic study or chanting Vedic mantras. By around 1900, a vast crowd had infiltrated the Brahmin religion in South Asia, proclaiming, “We are all Hindus.”

In Travancore, Shri Narayana Guru built Hindu temples and installed Shiva idols in them. He did this in pursuit of social revolution. Yet, he had no hereditary right to build temples in Brahmin spirituality or install Brahmin deities.

Such actions, however, led society toward profound change. A vast populace bearing the collective label “Hindus” was born in this subcontinent.

Though this populace comprised unmixed, ancestrally distinct ethnic groups, they became a significant asset for certain democratic factions newly sown in South Asia.

Securing leadership of this collectively labelled populace could grant control of the nation. Yet, this group, rife with every ingredient for division, required an idea to emotionally unite them—a common enemy.

Islam was deemed perfectly suited for this. In the northern parts of British-India, leaders used communal thinking to secure votes or leadership in democratic elections. While Tilak used Ganesh (Ganapati) worship, Gandhi employed the concept of Ramarajya. Muslim politicians likely did similar things.

Stirring emotions transforms them into political power. That is the sleight of hand in democracy.

Given that maps depict northern regions above southern ones, a notion may have spread in Malabar that northerners in British-India were “above” them.

The divisive moves propagated by local leaders in the northern regions infiltrated Malabar in the south, slicing through society like an app forcefully installed.

I will address related matters in the next piece of writing.

Another organised community that viewed Muhammadans as distinct emerged in Malabar, as it did elsewhere in British-India. This situation likely fostered a drive for unity among Malabar’s diverse Muhammadans.

Fueling this were democracy and its associated clamour—statements, processions, notice distribution, pamphlet printing, public speeches, and more.

Amid this, a communal riot erupted. Both sides in the riot provoked and clashed with each other. When accusing one another, they also implicated the British. For instance, consider this 1947 statement:

Even if Britain and Hindu Congress obstruct us, we will never hesitate to shed our warm blood in our advance until the noble Pakisthan is secured.

In this statement, Congress and Britain are portrayed as allies!

It seems one could say that the peace and tranquillity once nurtured by the English East India Company in Malabar had been shattered.

[VED]

Let me speak of South Asia.

It doesn’t seem that the people of the Islamic faith were a unified group. Sunnis and Shias have clashed in the northern parts of South Asia for ages.

Among the Slave Dynasty sultans who ruled Delhi, there were significant massacres and conflicts. Mughal royal families also faced internal clashes.

The Bahmani kingdoms, located roughly in the central part of South Asia, remained disunited for decades.

At the same time, many royal families now called Hindus lived in close harmony with Islamic royal families. Yet, they kept the lower communities under them—now also labelled Hindus—at a distance.

With the arrival of the English administration in this subcontinent, many people from various communities, who were neither Muslims, Christians, Jains, Buddhists, nor others, adopted the Hindu label.

It doesn’t seem that Bengalis, Gujaratis, Marathis, Kannadigas, Tamils, Kashmiris, Pattanas, Travancoreans, Deccanis, Jats of Bihar, Punjabis, Malabaris, and others historically felt they belonged to the same human race. Many likely had scant knowledge of one another.

Moreover, each of these groups probably contained multiple communities.

These communities likely lived with mutual enmity and contempt. The most effective way to make them feel united was to point to a common enemy—namely, the Muslims.

It is said that the Ezhavas of Travancore hail from the island of Eelam, or Ceylon (present-day Sri Lanka). It’s unclear what hereditary connection they have with the Vedic culture or the Trimurti-based spirituality that later emerged, which now forms the Hindu religion.

Similarly, one might wonder what Hindu heritage exists for the Thiyyars of North Malabar, who carry Yavana and Central Asian bloodlines, mixed with those of some dark-skinned people.

Ezhava leaders from Travancore came to Tellicherry, labelled the local Thiyyars as Ezhavas, and built a Brahmin temple for them. Through this, the decayed social attitudes of Travancore began spreading to Tellicherry, which had started to shine under the English administration.

Decades ago, while passing by the aforementioned temple, I saw a board in front: “Non-Hindus not allowed.”

For Ezhavas, who lead processions through the streets singing film songs about “one caste, one religion, one god,” what constitutes a non-Hindu?

When I asked a Thiyyar individual in Tellicherry about this, it seemed they were unaware that this temple wasn’t part of their traditional spirituality.

They said: “Mappila chekkans (lads) misbehave with girls during festivals. That’s why the board was put up.”

The word “chekkans” is pejorative. I recall that in some places, Thiyyar labourers tried to escape the stigma of that term.

Overall, things are in a state of confusion. At the Muthappan temple, anyone can enter. The people of that spirituality have become Hindus. The strong support and impetus for turning Thiyyars into Hindus came from Ezhava leaders outside Malabar. Yet, Ezhavas themselves are not traditionally Hindus.

A group of non-Hindus from Travancore deceived another group of non-Hindus in Malabar, united them, and declared both groups Hindus. Then, they built a temple and put up a board barring non-Hindus. It seems none of them realised they themselves were the non-Hindus.

The great irony here is whether the actual Hindus—Brahmins—have any connection to this board. It doesn’t even seem they have much connection to this temple. About a kilometre away lies the Thiruvangad Shri Ramaswamy temple, which does appear to be a Brahmin (Hindu) temple.

When Malabar was linked to South Asia’s northern regions, the communal animosity prevalent there, along with other harmful practices, seeped into Malabar. This communal animosity was not a creation of the English administration.

In South Malabar, it doesn’t seem that Hindus (Brahmins), their Ambalavasi and Nair followers, traditionally harboured deep enmity toward the upper echelons of Muslims. This is because the Brahmin side collaborated with Arab traders.

The invasions of Hyder Ali and Tipu likely caused significant rifts in this relationship. As lower communities entered Islam, this relationship grew more complex.

In part 1, chapter 103, the prominent landlord Muslim Sahib family was viewed with great fear by ordinary Mappilas in those areas. That both were Muslim was not socially significant. The key distinction was that one was a landlord family, the other labourers.

As lower communities entered Islam, carrying different social labels, the behaviour of some Muslims likely began to seem provocative in various ways to Brahmins and their followers. The provocation wouldn’t stem from Islam or Muslim actions but from those bearing the label of lower communities.

The Brahmin side’s hostility toward lower communities could be misinterpreted as hostility toward Islam. In social settings, the term “Mappila” may have spread to encompass all Muslims in Malabar.

If lower-class Muhammadans provoked, it would be perceived in society as “Mappilas provoked.”

These are thoughts that came to mind. We may also encounter facts and information that arise in the mind.

What follows is how Islamic social leaders in Malabar attempted to handle the political games sown in British-India as they spread to Malabar.

[VED]

The English administration sought to introduce ideas of social equality, human rights, individual dignity, and more into a society where the prevailing ideology was that the strong and influential hold sway.

In this subcontinent, cunning and sharp-wittedness were seen as the hallmark of an individual’s or group’s efficiency and excellence. The English administration worked diligently to establish systems and practices for self-governance and democratic elections, teaching and demonstrating to the people the associated proprieties and civil interactions.

However, they failed to grasp one thing. No matter what they said or proclaimed, it was the local social elites who interpreted and explained these ideas to the public. How faithfully these elites conveyed the true intent of these ideas is left to the reader’s imagination.

The society was hierarchical, with individuals at each level sharply opposed to one another, standing 180° apart (↓lowest you - polite you↑).

In a society where the upper echelons traditionally scolded, beat, cut down, cheated, fined, forced to sit on the ground, humiliated, imposed burdens, and made the lower communities perform degrading work, the idea of democracy was being sown and cultivated.

It was 100% certain that the democracy existing in England at the time would not take root in this subcontinent.

Landlord families and other social elites would panic. The lower communities might start behaving as if unleashed.

In Malayalam schools, teachers addressed students as “lowest you,” referred to them as “lowest he/she,” and even used pejorative terms like “edi” or “eda,” sometimes scolding them harshly. They might slap students, twist their ears, make them kneel, or force them to pull each other’s ears. If needed, they might humiliate them in other ways. Sometimes, they would summon the students’ parents to the school and insult them too.

Yet, students, individually and collectively, would “respect” teachers and pledge subservience to them.

Imagine an English administration suddenly entering such a school, declaring that teachers and students are equal, requiring them to participate in a joint election for school management, and stating that anyone—student or teacher—could be elected to the governing body.

The teachers would be distressed. They could only survive by resorting to some cunning tactics.

Similarly, this is how the upper families in British-Malabar, including the Muhammadan elite families, responded to these emerging changes.

The English language facilitates direct discussion and dialogue on any matter with anyone. However, feudal languages lack pathways for direct communication or resolution. Instead, matters are handled indirectly—through insinuations of powerful connections, exerting pressure via influential networks, demonstrating mob strength, and other such means.

People don’t seek straightforward paths. Instead, they pursue shortcuts and cunning tactics, as no other way exists. Straight paths are likely obstructed by significant communication barriers.

In such a region, the English administration introduced voting rights, ballot papers, and vote counting. If they expected grand ideas of social equality to spread through these processes, it must be said they misjudged the people.

It’s not about who voted or for whom. As Joseph Stalin reportedly said long ago, the real issue is who counts the votes.

If the English themselves managed every step of the democratic process they devised, there would be no issue. But consider modern India. The outcome of elections often depends on who oversees these processes.

In places where Indians and other speakers of feudal languages have migrated en masse, things are likely to unfold in the same way.

[VED]

In the English-ruled regions of South Asia, there was a distinctive feature: anyone could rise to leadership. One could organise agitations with political goals, using protests, clamour, public speeches, and notice distribution to gain attention. From there, the path led to contesting elections.

Relatedly, various agitations likely took place across British-India, though I lack precise details. However, such disruptive actions were not feasible in local independent kingdoms, where traditional laws were enforced by the king’s officials.

It seems that in 1919, the Khilafat Movement caused a stir in British-India. This writer lacks detailed information about it. However, it appears that after the First World War, accusations arose that Britain was responsible for imposing restrictions on the Turkish Sultan. In response, some Muhammadan individuals in the northern regions of British-India launched a political agitation known as the Khilafat Movement.

Yet, it’s also noted that this movement originated outside British-India.

It’s unclear whether Muhammadans worldwide regarded the Turkish king as their spiritual leader. If so, significant issues would have arisen in the Arabian Gulf nations, which had strong ties with Britain at the time. Moreover, in Turkey itself, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk led a massive popular revolution that abolished the Caliphate.

It’s also uncertain whether Malabar’s Muhammadans had a clear historical connection with those in British-India’s northern regions.

Still, both groups were part of the vast entity of British-India. Additionally, the British-Indian railways, along with connected princely state railways, made it easy to bring northern disturbances to Malabar.

It’s unknown whether the Khilafat Movement’s agitation occurred in the Travancore kingdom.

It seems the Khilafat Movement was a pathway for political leadership in British-India, pursued without clear knowledge of Turkey’s social realities. I lack precise details to confirm this.

However, not only Muhammadans but also many wealthy individuals engaged in various political manoeuvres at the time. More on that later.

Namboodiripad has said and written much about the Khilafat Movement, directing all accusations at the English administration. He is portrayed as a great revolutionary. Yet, it seems he was unaware that it was under English rule that many lower communities, including enslaved groups, gained freedom from Namboodiri dominance.

Given that the Turkish people themselves abolished the Caliphate, it’s tempting to call the massive agitations in British-India sheer folly. Perhaps it could be described as a grand opportunistic scheme.

It seems around this time that Gandhi entered the political fray. He didn’t hold back either—Khilafat or otherwise, one had to seize any cause to become a leader.

Around the same period, a major communal riot erupted in South Malabar. British-Malabar was then part of the Madras Presidency, likely governed by a Congress ministry. Northerners defined the communal riot as part of the Khilafat agitation.

From around 1900, the high social status of Brahmins began to erode, and many lower communities started being identified as Hindus. This was already recorded in British-Indian government documents.

This awareness spread among various communities. Consequently, many diverse Muhammadan groups in British-Malabar found themselves amidst a vast Hindu populace. The presence of this large Hindu group likely prompted significant changes in the social identity of Muhammadans. It set the stage for them to become a large, organised entity. It was as if a massive wall had been erected within society.

Personal enmity in some small corner of society, along with associated scuffles, could emotionally spread like two fireballs.

Sometimes, a feud between a Thiyya labourer and a Muhammadan worker could escalate, dragging even Brahmins who shunned Thiyyas and elite families maintaining high status into a social confrontation.

No matter how much they clashed, it was the English administration that maintained law and order in the nation, society, and British-Malabar. Without this umbrella, the land would have descended into chaos in countless ways.

[VED]

I cannot write about the Mappila riot, a communal clash in South Malabar, in this piece, as this writer lacks precise details of the events that transpired. However, it seems various police cases and court judgments from that time are available on archive.org.

When mentioning this, readers should keep one thing in mind.

In Malabar, Travancore, and across South Asia, rulers did not traditionally handle revolutionary movements this way. Arrests, FIRs, courts, trials, documented reasons for punishments—these were introduced to this primitive land by the English administration.

The traditional methods here included nailing people to trees, chopping off limbs, tying legs to separate elephants and driving them in opposite directions, locking individuals in metal frames at crossroads to rot for days, breaking hands and feet, or caging men and women together for days. Such practices prevailed.

I recall reading that Al-Biruni, around 1048, recorded witnessing brutal punishments in the Mughal emperor’s palace.

Another memory, though vague, concerns Emperor Shah Jahan, I believe. I read about it long ago and couldn’t find it online today. The account goes like this:

It involved a clash between Shias and Sunnis. Shah Jahan imprisoned his opponents. In a large field, deep pits were dug, and each prisoner was buried up to their neck, with only their head exposed. Elephants were brought to the field, firecrackers tied to their backs, and set off, driving them to stampede across. Those who survived by luck would likely never dare revolt again.

I lack precise details of this story and cannot confirm if Shah Jahan was indeed the emperor involved.

Some claim the Mappila riot around 1921 was not a communal clash but a revolution in South Malabar against foreign rule. If the English administration was foreign, when did it dawn on British-Malabar that Hindi rule was native? I don’t know.

When it became clear in 1947 that British-Malabar would fall under Hindi rule, efforts were made in South Malabar to create a separate “Mappilastan.” This narrow-minded idea likely stemmed from the fact that northern Indian political ideologies had already divided Malabar’s people into two distinct groups.

Otherwise, instead of “Mappilastan,” Malabar’s people could have envisioned a native British-Malabar governance. But their minds were filled with northern Indian political ideas, leaving them bereft of clarity.

Portraying the South Malabar riot as a revolution against English rule is unlikely to be accepted by those under the Hindu label.

When I was studying in Trivandrum, a film based on the Mappila riot was released, starring a superstar hero, a Muslim himself, likely from Travancore, not South Malabar. He seems to come from a wealthy family, not a lower-class Muslim background.

The film’s hero, a cart driver, might have been depicted as a lower-class figure. Here, the character and the actor portraying him diverge, standing at opposite poles in social terms. The portrayal is fundamentally flawed.

The film’s writer and director were not Muhammadans from South Malabar. I won’t delve into related matters.

I watched the film. I vaguely recall a scene where English administration sepoys (local recruits) rush forward, seize Muslim women, pin them to the ground, hastily undo their trousers, and assault them.

One must question if this actually happened. In films, anything can be written for profit.

A young acquaintance from a Ponnani Variyar family, who also watched the film, told me something I remember. He said:

“In the film, that cart driver Khader is a great man. But my family elders know a different story. Hearing his name, people in Variyar homes would tremble and wet themselves in fear. They say when he drew his knife, it only returned to its sheath after tasting blood.

Once, hearing he and his gang were coming, everyone hid in a cellar built under the house. That’s how terrifying he was.”

This is the reality of that land. Everyone profits by blaming the English, who brought good governance.

The clash was between those who traditionally enslaved lower communities and those freed from these shackles under English rule.

But for filmmakers, to multiply their investment tenfold, they must spin deceptive tales, launch them grandly, and profit. They believe they can live comfortably by displaying lies on screen, thrilling audiences.

[VED]

It seems that a good percentage of people have little knowledge about events just before their birth.

The main reason might be that their minds are preoccupied with the necessities of daily life.

However, through subtle and covert means, interested parties may instil ideas about matters people are unaware of or uninterested in.

I was born in 1962. Kerala was formed in 1957. That means Kerala came into being just five years before my birth.

Before that, there was a state called Travancore-Cochin, with Trivandrum as its capital, where elections and ministries existed. It lasted barely ten years. Yet, none of my school or college peers seemed to have a clear understanding of this.

Similarly, before 1957, north of Travancore-Cochin was Malabar district, part of Madras state. Kerala was formed by merging Malabar with Travancore-Cochin. Historically, these regions had many differences, and only through extensive research could a shared history be constructed. Yet, I never encountered anyone in school or college with clear knowledge of this.

Reading newspapers, textbooks, watching films, or listening to film songs in the morning yielded no truthful historical information, as I recall.

Many ordinary Muhammadans in Malabar today may not know the region’s past with clarity. Their historical awareness of Malabar likely comes from Travancoreans’ film narratives.

I’ve noticed that Malabar’s history has gradually been cloaked under the terms “Kerala” and “Malayalam.” But with a bit of scrutiny, these terms reveal at least two distinct entities.

Many today may prefer to see these as a single entity. Yet, those who lived in the past had the right to preserve their distinct identities. Consider whether those living now would appreciate being redefined differently in a few years.

With democracy’s arrival in British-Malabar, some members of wealthy families leapt into it, cloaked in the guise of public service. Initially, Congress was prominent, I believe, with many landlords as members.

Later, when leadership roles in Congress became scarce, some sought another path—the Communist Party.

It’s quite amusing. In a party opposing the landlord system, individuals from major landlord families took leadership. They claimed the English administration enforced slavery in this land. The people, unaware of Malabar’s past, believed the English introduced slavery.

For those born in Malabar after 1900, there’s little chance they’d know the true state of the land before their birth. It’s unlikely their leaders shared the truth.

Looking at British-India’s map, informed individuals lament that such a vast nation was enslaved by the British. No one seems to have told these scholars that without the British, their nation’s map would be a tiny fragment.

When communal riots erupted in South Malabar, many Congress leaders, often from traditional elite families, took an anti-Mappila stance. Most Mappilas involved in the riot likely came from lower-class Muslim lineage. Yet, this fact is rarely mentioned. The hostility and disdain of Hindus, along with their Ambalavasi and Nair allies, toward Mappilas may have been partly due to this lower-class label.

The enmity of these lower-class people toward their traditional elite overlords likely had little to do with spiritual differences.

The lower classes ran amok, attacking their traditional overlords. Their lower-class disposition may have intensified their actions’ severity. Their religion happened to be Islam, that’s all. Thus, assuming Islam’s nature is violence and rebellion may lack truth.

It seems these unruly lower classes committed many excesses. Wikipedia presents two differing views:

One claims it was a freedom struggle against British rule. The other calls it a pure communal riot.

The Hindus and their allies bore the brunt of the violence.

B.R. Ambedkar said of the rebellion:

The blood-curdling atrocities committed by the Moplas in Malabar against the Hindus were indescribable. The Hindus were visited by a dire fate at the hands of the Moplas. Massacres, forcible conversions, desecration of temples, foul outrages upon women, such as ripping open pregnant women, pillage, arson, and destruction—in short, all the accompaniments of brutal and unrestrained barbarism, were perpetrated freely by the Moplas upon the Hindus until such time as troops could be hurried to the task of restoring order through a difficult and extensive tract of the country.

Ambedkar’s use of “Hindus” likely referred to actual Hindus, Ambalavasis, and Nairs. He may have known only one group was truly Hindu but used the term broadly for simplicity.

By around 1921, most lower castes had adopted the Hindu label. I don’t know if Mappilas attacked Makkathayam Thiyyars or lower communities during the riot.

The Madras Presidency was governed by Congress. There were likely elected legislators in Malabar district. Yet, when massive social attacks, killings, looting, and assaults on women occurred in one region, the blame fell on the English administration at the top.



The above image was taken when English military officers received orders to deploy troops from Bangalore to Malabar.

Quote from Wikipedia:

2nd Dorsets to deploy from Baird Barracks, Bangalore to Malabar. On receipt of the request for support, General Burnett-Stuart immediately ordered 2nd Dorsets to deploy from Baird Barracks, Bangalore to Malabar. They were quickly under way, having been on standby since the previous month, in two trains. The Dorsets were followed by a cavalry squadron of the Bays and a section of artillery, and together the force was to move to Podanur where it would concentrate, under the command of Colonel Humphreys. A patrol train, sent out and found the line clear as far as Shoranur. Troop trains were pushed on to that point dropping a few detachments to guard key points en route.

This piece cannot delve into the specific events of the Mappila riot. However, some related points feel worth mentioning.

[VED]

For many educated and informed people in the new nation of India, events from the decades just before their birth appear as half-dark images in their minds.

These shadowy images are illuminated by formal textbooks, films, newspapers, and magazines.

“What’s that liquid you see?”

“Oh, that’s the scene of the British killing our people. The flow is a river of blood.”

“And that wailing you hear?”

“Oh, that’s the faint sound of women and children screaming as they invade our homes and commit atrocities.”

In this dim light, many acquire grand educational qualifications by studying and teaching recent historical events as profound knowledge.

Yet, astonishingly, these same people can vividly see and understand events from 2000, 4000, or even 7000 years ago as if in broad daylight.

Many who lived in Malabar—migrants, those captured at sea, or enslaved through invasions—existed as slaves at various levels in the social order.

It’s unclear how their descendants could be linked to the Vedic culture or the later Trimurti-based Brahmin religion claimed in South Asia’s northern regions. Yet, the informed and knowledgeable assert strong connections to this heritage.

Much can be said formally about the communal riot in South Malabar. However, I feel compelled to address perspectives that don’t fit this formal narrative. One might wonder why those who see 7000-year-old events so clearly miss these truths. I won’t delve into that, though.

In South Malabar, minor attacks linked to Mappilas seem to have started around 1836. Such attacks could typically be handled and suppressed by Nairs, the warrior class of Hindus. But they couldn’t.

Normally, Nairs would seize and slaughter anyone causing trouble in lower-class homes. Such actions would be akin to police beating a youth today, with many cheering, saying, “He deserved it; his ways weren’t right!”

But with the English administration in Malabar, many Nairs became employees in the English system. They could only suppress the lower classes through their roles as police or soldiers, and even then, they couldn’t act as they pleased.

The English administration required everything to follow law and procedure. Otherwise, their own peers would question them. The English language enables such accountability.

Meanwhile, in Travancore, a lower-class revolt occurred around the 1820s, inspired by groups like the London Missionary Society. One major offense was that the lower classes adopted the clothing styles of Nairs and Namboodiris.

Imagine ordinary people donning the uniforms and insignia of police constables or IPS officers. The establishment would crush them. That’s what happened in Travancore.

Though the English administration in Madras Presidency and the British Resident in Travancore tried to protect the lower classes’ clothing rights, Nairs suppressed them regardless.

The lower classes tried to fight back, but it seems Nairs prevailed in these street battles.

The ignorant English officials didn’t realize the lower classes were trying to seize the rulers’ uniforms and symbols of authority.

Malabar was entirely different. Nairs had lost their wild edge, operating within the English legal system to maintain their social dominance.

Yet, societal peace and the rise of lower-class Muhammadans as farmers, traders, cart owners, and more likely set the stage for significant social changes.

Wealth accumulated among them. Spiritually aligning with a belief system could transform such a group into a distinct community, something incomprehensible from an English perspective.

Among these Muslims, bloodlines from Arabs, Nairs, and Namboodiris likely mingled across generations.

The language is steeped in hierarchy. Subservience and deference lurk in every minor personal interaction.

In such coded interactions, it’s challenging for an outsider to integrate into the complex web of relationships within a large organized group. Often, an outsider remains just that.

Consequently, even among Malabar’s Muslims, such groups may naturally become a large, self-interested community. Language codes offer no space for outsiders to join.

Though the language fosters division, if common leadership roles are established, the group can unify. Feudal language focuses minds on these leadership positions.

A similar development likely occurred among lower-class Christians.

People who lived like cattle for centuries in landlords’ courtyards and fields, when united under missionaries and priests, formed communities with new focal points.

Betraying each other and Nairs, they gradually lived under the guidance of leaders in this new spiritual movement, giving rise to a new community with diverse social forces.

The English administration’s aim of fostering universal cultural values and social transformation didn’t materialize. They envisioned progress through English, but society operated in a feudal language.

In Malabar, Travancore, and South Asia, languages are coded so that if one rises, those above must fall. This is a significant issue.

If “he” rises, “they” may fall. That’s a massive problem.

To be continued.